Ambassador to his People

Ambassador To
His People

C. F. Klassen and the Russian Mennonite Refugees

Herbert & Maureen Klassen

Ambassador To
His People

Ambassador To
His People

C. F. Klassen and the Russian Mennonite Refugees

Herbert & Maureen Klassen

tisr

Kindred Press

Winnipeg, MB, Canada

Hillsboro, KS, USA

Ambassador To His People

Copyright ©1990 by Kindred Press, Winnipeg, Manitoba
R2L 2E5.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or
transmitted in any form or by any means without written per-
mission of the publisher, except by a reviewer, who may quote
brief passages in a review.

Published simultaneously by Kindred Press, Winnipeg, MB
R2L 2E5 and Kindred Press, Hillsboro, KS 67063

All Scripture quotations taken from the Revised Standard
Version of the Bible.

Cover design by C.F. (Neil) Klassen, Clearbrook, BC
Book design by Publishing Services, Winnipeg, Manitoba
Printed in Canada by The Christian Press, Winnipeg, Manitoba

International Standard Book Number: 0-921788- 10-X-

Dedicated
to our children
Tanya

Matthew/ Cathlyn
Steve/Evy
Mark
Rebecca

and a whole new generation
of disciples

And to all those who have
given of themselves
to minister to refugees
in the Name of Christ

v

CONTENTS

Foreword by Peter J. Dyck ix

Prefaces by Authors xl

Introduction xv

I. RUSSIA 1894-1928 19

Chapter 1 Beginnings 19

Chapter 2 War and Revolution 33

Chapter 3 Famine and Relief 47

Chapter 4 Aftermath and Reconstruction 58

Chapter 5 Emigration 67

II. CANADA 1928-1945 80

Chapter 6 New Beginnings 82

Chapter 7 Reiseschuld - Travel Debt 88

Chapter 8 Family Matters 102

Chapter 9 War and Peace 112

HI. EUROPE 1945-1954 117

Chapter 10 ‘Seeking His Brethren’ 119

Chapter 1 1 Preparing for Emigration 133

Chapter 12 The Volendam Story 143

Chapter 13 Patience Tested 156

Chapter 14 Paraguayan Trip 166

Chapter 15 Changes at Home and Abroad 177

Chapter 16 Peace Conference 184

Chapter 17 A ‘Dark Valley’ for Emigration 195

Chapter 18 Homes for the Homeless 204

Chapter 19 Celebrations 217

Chapter 20 Uniting the Wider Mennonite Brotherhood 225
Chapter 2 1 The Last Year 237

Chapter 22 Home at Last 252

Notes about Sources 259

vil

FOREWORD

This book had to be written. At a time of diminishing respect
for basic human values C.F. Klassen embodied selflessness and
integrity of character that should be an inspiration and model for
many young people today.

In telling the story of CF the authors are also telling the story
of his time and conditions in Russia, the great depression in
Canada, the spiritual vitality, or lack of it. in the Mennonite
church. CF can only be understood if we understand the world
in which he lived and acted.

All who knew him, knew that he loved his people, the Men-
nonites. Only those who knew him intimately also discovered how
much he loved the Russian people. One reason why he was never
bitter about them, in spite of the treatment Mennonites general-
ly and he personally received at their hands, was because he un-
derstood their own sad history of suffering under the Czars and
the communist dictators. They had never known freedom. They
had never been allowed to stand up tall and straight. From being
submissive serfs for centuries they were finally cajoled or flogged
into utter submission; voiceless and powerless to determine their
own or their country’s destiny. Knowing this helped him not only
to accept them but also to respect them (especially for their
patient suffering), grieve for them and love them.

The opening statement of the May 25, 1954 editorial of The
Mennonite says: "There is probably no living Mennonite who is so
widely known and so universally respected as was the late
C.F.Klassen, who died in Germany of a heart attack. May 8.”
Widely known he was, not only in the Mennonite world but also
in government and United Nations circles where he moved about
with dignity and a relaxed style that could be the envy of any
diplomat. Universally respected he was also, except perhaps by
a few of his own people who either did not understand his actions

ix

and motives or were confused In their notions about the role of
leadership. The fact that he was tall and handsome, that In his
public appearances he was sure of himself and his message, that
he spoke freely about his negotiations with officials in high places,
had some critics conclude that he lacked a proper sense of Chris-
tian humility, that he probably was tainted with pride.

It was a thoughtless and erroneous conclusion. Those who
knew him well knew that he was as humble as a child. That is
why nobody ever heard him say, "I can," but countless numbers
of people heard him say repeatedly, "Gott kann!" God can, he is
able! Of course God needed hands and feet, he needed a human
voice to speak for him— and that is how CF perceived of himself,
a servant of the Lord speaking and acting for God.

CF was not only a man of courage, perseverance, diplomatic
skill and integrity; he was also a man of great faith. On one of his
frequent trips to Geneva, Switzerland, on behalf of Mennonite
refugees after WW II, he failed to get their official recognition as
bona fide refugees. Naturally, he was disappointed, but in report-
ing this to his co-workers, I remember him saying, ”1 wonder how
the Lord is going to work this one out?” He believed in the right-
ness of their cause and had absolute faith that God would change
the minds of the officials. He did. The Mennonites from Russia in
Germany were given official refugee status.

Cornelius Wall, speaking at the funeral of CF in Frankfurt,
Germany, said: "We are gathered here to bury a man, but each of
us says within himself, ‘to me he was much more.’ To some, like
the refugees, he was a helper in the hour of need; to others, like
his co-workers, he was a shining example of what living for others
means; to still others, like people in the congregations that sup-
ported him, he was a constant inspiration; and to officials in high
places he was a reminder that truth and integrity need not be
compromised however difficult the task or noble the ends.

To me personally he was a wonderful colleague in the work
of MCC, a dear brother in the Lord, and my beloved brother-in-
law.

Peter J. Dyck
Easter, 1990

x

PREFACE

In May 1954 when my father died, I was twenty-five, single,
and enrolled In the theological faculty at the University of Basel.
Since the age of fifteen I hadn't seen that much of my father.
During the last nine months of his life my mother, sister and I
joined him in Europe where I did see a little more of him, met
most of his co-workers and associates and was at the places as-
sociated with his work and ministry.

In writing the book together, my contribution was more on
the historical side, Maureen’s on the inspirational and literary
side. Our purpose in writing the book was not to attempt an ex-
haustive biography, but rather a biographical memoir to inspire
the younger generation. They will know best whether we have
succeeded.

Anyone more interested in the background of CF’s life will
find the work of Frank Epp’s Afennonite Exodus and John B.
Toews’ Lost Fatherland invaluable. We have quoted liberally from
CF’s reports and diaries to let him speak for himself as much as
possible. We are grateful to the MB Board of Publications for let-
ting us make use of a brief sketch of his life by his brother Henry
F. Klassen who was editor of the Rundschau for many years. It
appeared first in German in that paper and was subsequently
translated into English at the instigation of the Board. It is a 31
page text appended with 44 pages of documents.

We would like to thank Harvey Dyck for the nudge that
helped to move us from thinking about writing to starting.

We are indebted to many in the larger MCC constituency who
encouraged us along every step of the way. John H, Yoder, to
mention just one, contributed substantially to the shape of the
book through comments and questions raised from his hospital
bed in Indianapolis, where he was recovering from an automobile
accident.

We are grateful to Nell Fast and the DeFehr Brothers for
making a research trip to Europe possible in the summer of 1984
(which included the Mennonite World Conference at Strassburg),
and to the Quiring/Loewen Trust for a grant that enabled us to

xi

devote some concentrated time In the last stages of completing
the writing.

One incident from the German trip bears repeating. I was
interviewing the well-known author Hans Harder in Schluechtern
just north of Frankfurt. The afternoon I arrived he had an elder-
ly lady with him on her once in a lifetime visit out of Russia. She
had been a close friend of his sisters. When we were talking about
my father and Moscow she suddenly said, "My father was the Rev
Johannes Klassen who performed the wedding ceremony of your
parents fifty-eight years ago in the Menno center in Moscow. Yes,
I remember the day very well!” That’s the kind of ‘coincidence’ that
has encouraged us along on the way.

The kind cooperation of Ken Reddig at the MB Archives in
Winnipeg, Lawrence Klippenstein at the Mennonite Heritage cen-
ter, Leonard Gross at the Goshen Historical Library, and Gary
Waltner at the Mennonite Historical Archives at the Weierhof in
Germany, lightened the load of research considerably. I accept
full responsibility for any inaccuracies left in the text.

Herb Klassen

xii

PREFACE

CF Klassen was my father-in-law. I never met him. When I
first contacted Mennonites in Europe in 1956 he had been dead
just two years. His memoiy lived on and his name was often men-
tioned by Pax-boys and VS’ers whom I met in my work with MVS
and relief work. His legacy was a continuing one in the many ef-
forts at relief in Post-War Europe and I sensed the stature of this
man whose compassion had shaped the growth of MCC and its
ongoing ministry of mercy.

After working in Germany and Austria for two summers, my
interest in Mennonites led me to cross the ocean and take up
studies in Goshen in 1958. There I learned more of the heritage
of this pilgrim people. Harold Bender took me under his father-
ly wing, and I even wrote a paper for him in the Seminary on the
Mennonite settlements in Russia. In 1959 1 married CF’s son and
cast in my lot with the Mennonites for life.

During our study of CF’s life we have spent many hours read-
ing reports and correspondence, laughing and crying over stories
of mixed joy and sorrow. Through it all I have become acquainted
with a man I never met. I have sensed his heart-beat of faith and
compassion, seen his courage and perseverance and his strug-
gling humanity. I have touched the spirit of the father I never
met.

One day during a period of writing at the peaceful home of
friends on Vancouver Island, while reflecting on the great inspira-
tion he had become to me, and regretting the deprivation of never
having met him face to face, a sense of peace and wellbeing over-
whelmed me. I realized that he is an abiding part of my life and
that of my children, and that his legacy is a spiritual reality in
the fabric of our gathered lives. At that moment something of the
reality of being 'in Christ’ and the truth of the communion of the
saints in the body of Christ gripped me. Then I knew myself to
be truly a daughter (by faith) of CFK and one who can carry his
torch to a new generation. Though our paths never crossed in
this life, we shall indeed one day sit down at table in the Kingdom
of God. Then the shadows of our earthly pilgrimage will fade and

xiii

the eternal verities of that Kingdom and Its principles will prevail.

CF, you have been a father to me In the faith. You have mir-
rored to me the Father of aU mercies as you did to countless others
during your life time. May your example rekindle in the hearts
of many others the image of our true Father in heaven, whose
Name we hallow, whose Kingdom we seek and whose Will we
pledge ourselves to follow all the days of our lives.

Maureen Klassen
Father’s Day, June 17, 1989

xlv

INTRODUCTION

‘A Legacy of Mercy’

On Friday May 7th, 1954, a black Chevy was travelling
westward across north Germany from Bremen towards Holland.
A few miles from Gronau, a German border town, the driver
sensed something seriously wrong with his heart. On arrival at
a friend’s home in Gronau he phoned a doctor who insisted he
come immediately to the hospital. He was admitted and treated
and spent a restful evening reading and visiting with his friend.
He expected to resume his journey the next day to keep his
promise to be in Heerewegen, Holland on May 8th to speak at a
Peace Conference. But that was not to be. A further massive
heart attack occurred during the night. At 10:30 the following
morning he ended his life’s journey. He was fifty-nine years old.

Although an urgent message had been sent to his wife in
Frankfurt, she was unable to reach him before his death. As he
had lived and worked, so he died, in the midst of yet another jour-
ney.

Within hours, news of his death had reached beyond fami-
ly, friends and co-workers in Frankfurt and was beginning to have
repercussions on three continents, Europe, North America, and
South America. During the following week hundreds of condolen-
ces and telegrams reached his widow from around the world, and
memorial services were held in Germany, Canada, the USA, and
South America.

Who was this weary traveller who hardly had time to rest on
that fateful journey? What was the life task that consumed his
energies just short of his three-score milestone? Why did his
death send ripples across the world evoking a sense of personal
loss from countless other sojourners who owed their presence in

xv

new homelands, and sometimes life itself, to the tireless efforts
of this man?

And what were the tides of history that brought forth such
a servant of his people? What influences moulded his life and
fashioned him into a vessel usable in the hand of God who cares
for the homeless, the fatherless and the bereaved? In an age of
heartlessness, brutality and conflict, from what spiritual roots
spring this powerful expression of mercy and compassion?

To answer these questions we need to trace the life of CF
Klassen from his early years in a humble Mennonite village in
Russia through the turbulent period of the Russian Revolution
and its massive upheavals of peoples and culture, the relatively
quieter resettlement years in Canada, the Depression and War
years; and finally back to the challenges of post-War Europe
where his path led him to countless homeless and scattered
brethren, and where he sought to help gather up the pieces of
their fragmented lives and find for them a new beginning. This
was the task and the journey that came to such an abrupt en-
ding that day in May 1954.

in our study of CF’s life several dominant themes or motifs
emerge, which gave his life significance beyond his own personal
plans or ambitions. As he followed the leadings of his life these
themes gripped him more and more and became the impetus that
urged him on through many difficult times, against insurmount-
able odds. In the face of these, the faith motif of his life’s motto
"Gott kann” recurs again and again. Then there were the many
times that his faith took shape in courageous action. At such
times he merely claimed he did what had to be done. How many
men have shaped history with actions thus described? The theme
of self-denial is discerned at the many times when he learned the
path of obedience to God’s call on his life. We meet him often in
the role of mediator and peacemaker, emissary and reconciler,
enriching our picture of this servant of his people.

But most of all in the unfolding story of CF's life we encounter
the theme of mercy and compassion in its manifold responses to
the cries of the needy in a broken world. This quality, blended
with the other themes of his life, delineates him as a man espe-
cially equipped to become a role model for this present genera-
tion, faced as we are with heightened awareness of global

xvi

suffering and the ever-present kaleideoscope of human heartache
and horror. We can be thankful that the example of lives like his
can become pointers along our common journey, of the way God
wants to relate Himself to his creation, and the way He calls us
to flesh out in our lives his qualitites of love and mercy. Such Is
the message of CF’s life and the 'legacy of mercy’ entrusted to us
in the telling of his story.

xvii

I. RUSSIA

Chapter 1

BEGINNINGS

"Give me my son, your heart' (Prov. 23:26).

As the nineteenth century drew to a close, imperialism
flourished In many parts of the world. Whether beneath the flags
of Queen Victoria, the Czars, or other European monarchs, the
people of the earth were being subjugated, supposedly for their
own good, and learning the ways of “better’ civilization and cul-
ture. Far away from the great centers of civilization, the small
religious group called Mennonites had virtually established their
own little kingdom on the steppes of Russia. For over a century
they had pursued a peaceful existence, in their own colonies of
villages, and established a unique way of life - Germanic and radi-
cally Protestant.

19

Donskoj . It was at the end of the village and it was here that they
built their log house. What stuck in CF’s mind was that during
the construction he had stepped on a nail that was sticking
through a board. The next year his father built another building
on the same property and opened a general store. The goings-on
at the store interested little Cornelius so much, that he says he
had little interest in attending school in the fall. But before he
left for school it would be good to find out a little more about who
these Mennonites were and where they came from.

Though set in the heart of the Russian steppes in rich
agricultural land and far away from the major cities of Russia
where already the seeds of massive cultural and political revolu-
tion were being sown, the Mennonite colonies enjoyed peaceful
seclusion for their close-knit spiritual and cultural existence.
German was the language of faith and Low German was the lan-
guage of family and farming. Both were instrumental in mould-
ing a strong and unique life-style that set them apart from the
lives of the Russian peasantry around them. How this came
about and what it forbode for the future are both critical in an
understanding of the fabric of CF Klassen’s life and pilgrimage.

Mennonites Come to Russia

The first Mennonites came to Russia from Prussia, now
Poland, from the area around Danzig, now Gdansk, in the year
1789— the year we associate with the beginning of the French
Revolution. The Polish people were in the unfortunate position
of being partitioned in these years between three larger empires,
Russia, Austria and Prussia (later to become Germany). The area
around the mouth of the Vistula River where the Mennonites had
settled fell into the hands of Frederick the Great. Poland had been
a homeland for this group of Mennonites ever since the second
half of the 16th century when they had fled there from Holland
where as Anabaptists they had been persecuted for their faith.
When Frederick began to threaten their peaceful life-style by con-
scripting their men into his Prussian army and putting pressure
on their school system, they began to look for another place to
settle. They were happy to accept Catherine IPs invitation to Rus-

22

Diagram of these Relationships

Rev. Cornelius Epp (great grandfather) - Mrs. .Epp

Anna Epp Franz Klassen (grandfather)

Franz jKlassen (father) Justin a Wiebe

C,F. Klassen

the only child of his daughter Anna, and now the birth of his first
great-grandchild made him very happy. It added greatly to his joy
when ne heard that this boy was to oe named 'Cornelius’ in nis
honor," CF adds, "I don’t doubt that his joy would have been even
much greater had someone been able to fell him that his grandson
Franz would have another nine sons and four daughters within
twenty-three years I (Biographical Sketch 2)

One of CF's earliest memories was a trip to the Molotschna
to visit his great- grandfather who, incidentally, was reported to
have been one of the first Mennoniie preachers in Russia who did
not read his sermons but spoke extemporaneously. He wanted
to see his grandson Franz and his great-grandson Cornelius
before his death, so he sent them the funds to make the trip,
second class, CF writes.

Though I was not quite four, I have four distinct memories of this
trip: I) Enroute, in the comfortable train car, I was bitten up badly
by bedbugs. 2) There was considerable excitement when my father
noticed that one comer had been cut off our leather trunk and
some things had been stolen. 3) In Lichtfelde, in my great-
grandparents’ garden, 1 remember my mother knocking apples off
the tree with along stick, which I gathered. 4) I can also remem-
ber clearly how great-grandfather bought some grapes, brought
them home in his lame red handkerchief, then laid them out on
the workbench and lifted me up so that 1 could eat them.
(Biographical Sketch 4}.

CF gathered from stories told by his parents that they had
a great desire to move from the land to some place in a village.
By 1899 they were in the position to buy about 100 acres in

21

So unique was this life-style that we need to pause and sense
some of its force and reality before we can fully comprehend the
extent of disruption and displacement soon to be inflicted on its
members* We need to see the quiet rural prosperity of the farms
and the unprecedented success of its industries (mills, factories
etc.). We catch the spirit of its life-style in beautiful estates, well
ordered villages, fine institutions for the sick and handicapped,
reputable secondaiy schools and colleges, and flourishing chur-
ches, Before serfs were ever freed or the decadent aristocracy
deposed, Russia sheltered such a model of success and harmony
as yet unmatched after years of revolution and toil* Yet such
'success' was not to survive, for the devastation and disruption
that invaded their quiet world would echo down the corridors of
history for generations to come.

It was into this peaceful scene that CF Klassen's father had
been bom and lived most of his life, CFs own grandchfldren are
enjoying in Canada again such a time of peace. Yet by contrast
CF's own generation was caught up in many decades of unprece-
dented upheaval.

In a brief biographical sketch CF (as he became known once
he moved to Canada) says of his father Franz F. Klassen that

he was bom April 30, 1870, in the village of Lichtfelde, Molotschna,
where his father [another] Fram Klassen had a farm and a store.
When the daughter colony, New Samara, which was located 200
miles east of the city of Samara, was to be settled, grandfather Klas-
sen was one of the first to move there in the year 1 890, and chose
a spot near the Tock River where he started a general store on his
own private estate fchutorj. Among other things he also sold
building materials. My father worked in this business when he
was a young man. As more and more new settlers arrived new vil-
lages were laid out. Among the new settlers in the village Dolinsk
was the family of Men non! te Brethren preacher Gerhard Wiebe,
who had come from Lands krone, Molotschna, His oldest daughter
Justina, born August 30 1874, caught the eye of the young Franz
Klassen and they were married in Dolinsk in 1893,

The young couple began their married life under rigorous
pioneer conditions, A sod hut on their father's 'chutor* was their
first home. It was in this hut that their first child arrived on
August 3, 1894," CF continues the story by adding that

great-grandfather Cornelius Epp had a special liking for my father,

20

sia where they were promised greater religious freedom, exemp-
tion from military service and plenty of land to farm. One condi-
tion that bothered some of their spiritual leaders was the fact that
they were not supposed to proselytize.

These first settlers put down roots in the southern Ukraine
about 200 miles directly north of the Crimea and the Black Sea.
The Colony was called Chortitza, after the river that flowed
through the settlement and on into the Dnieper, which empties
into the Black Sea, This settlement was made up of nineteen vil-
lages covering about 400,000 acres.

One hundred miles south east of this, a second settlement,
called the Molotschna Colony was started, beginning in 1804, It
was also named after the river flowing through the settlement.
New settlers kept coming from Prussia until the 1830s and the
Molotschna colony finally was made up of sixty villages. Later it
was divided into two districts, with Haibstadt as the administra-
tive center for thirty-one of the villages and Gnadenfeld as the
center for the rest. People from these colonies were a vital part
of CF*s story to the end of his life.

So it was from the Molotschna, the largest and most
prosperous settlement that CF’s grandparents originally came.
But why had their families moved from their pleasant surround-
ings in the Ukraine, 900 miles further north-east into central Rus-
sia beyond the Volga where the climate was harsher and
conditions more primitive?

The main reason was overcrowding in the mother colonies.
By mid-nineteenth century these settlements had a growing land-
less class that was creating quite a social problem. Sub-dividing
of the typical 175 acre farm was not permitted so many were
forced to consider some alternative. Large parcels of land were
purchased by the original colonies and sister colonies began to
spring up in the Ukraine and beyond. There were settlements In
the Crimea (Karassan, Spat etc.) and in the area called the Kuban
between the Black and Caspian Seas (Alexanderfeld, Wohldem-
fuerst etc.) — an area 300 miles north of what is now known as
Armenia— also along the Volga near the city of Samara /Kubishev
(Old Samara, New Samara etc.), and in the foothills of the Ural
mountains (Ufa, Orenburg etc.), and further east beyond the
Urals in Siberia (Slavgorod, Barnaul etc,). Finally there were over

23

100 Mennonite villages in Siberia alone, farming over one million
acres. It must be remembered that at this time they were settling
there voluntarily. It was only after the Revolution and under
Stalin in the 1930s that they were forcibly exiled to the far north-
ern wastelands of Siberia.

This gives a little impression of how widespread the Men-
nonite settlements were in Russia. By World War I it is estimated
there were about 65,000 Mennonites in the Ukraine and about
45,000 elsewhere.

The 60,000 acres which became the New Samara colony
were purchased in 1890 by the Molotschna colony with the first
settlers, including the Klassen and Wiebe families, arriving in the
early spring of 1891. Twelve villages were laid out along the
southern bank of the Tock river with Donskoj, Pleschanow, and
Lugowsk being three of the largest and most central— and closest
to the water-powered flour mill, an important landmark in any
society committed to grain farming. The closest railway station
was Sorotschinsk about twenty-five miles away. The city of
Samara (now Kuybyshev) on the Volga River was about 200 miles
directly west of New Samara. Directly east of New Samara about
the same distance lay the Mennonite settlement of Orenburg, in
the foothills of the Ural mountains.

By 1903 the Klassens’ store had done so well that the fami-
ly was able to move their business to a house in the center of the
village right next to the village school. During these years four
more sons were bom to Franz and Justina: Franz in 1896, Ger-
hard in 1897, Peter in 1899, and Henry in 1900,

The Mennonite Brethren

It was about this time that Jacob Kroeker (1872-1948), a
young evangelist from Molotschna visited the MB church in
Lugowsk, one of the New Samara villages. Kroeker had spent four
years at the Baptist Seminary in Hamburg, Germany, and was
quite a fiery preacher. He was warmly received among Mennonite
Brethren but never actually Joined them. He had come under the
influence of Dr. Baedeker and the ‘Allianz’ movement and at-
tended its annual conferences at Blankenburg. While he was in

24

Lugowsk revival stirrings broke out that caused quite a response
throughout all the neighboring villages. Cornelius’ parents also
attended. The Mennonite Brethren church membership grew
rapidly as a result of this awakening and by the fall of 190 1 a new
and larger church structure had to be built. The dedication was
attended by little Cornelius and his parents.

It was a great occasion among the Mennonite Brethren (MB)
of Russia. It was not only the largest church in the whole New
Samara colony, it was the roomiest MB church in all of Russia at
the time. It was built on a rise at the west end of the village with
bricks made on the spot and laid by a master bricklayer and his
two apprentices who had come specially from Molotschna for this
task. Rev. David Duerksen from the Crimea, one of the leading
MB preachers in all Russia, was there. There were also other
visiting preachers from Molotschna and Orenburg. Rev. Kor-
nelius Neufeld from Davlekanova was there with his whole choir.
The dedication ended with the singing of Handel’s Hallelujah
Chorus, and was followed by a common meal. It is estimated
there were 3,000 in attendance (New-Samara 86). It was into this
church ten years later that CF would be received into member-
ship, and that twenty-five years later would drop him temporari-
ly from its roll, at his own request. But all that was yet in the
future.

But who were these Mennonite ‘Brethren’ that CF was in-
fluenced by and later identified with? The movement began forty
years earlier in 1860. Eduard Wuest, a Lutheran pietist from Ger-
many had been pastoring the Lutheran church in the village of
Neu Hoffnung just south east of the Molotschna colony. He was
an outspoken evangelical stressing repentance, conversion, and
a life consistent with the Christian faith. Some of the Mennonites
attended his meetings and his annual Missions Festivals.

A group of these Mennonites then began to meet on their
own for Bible study and prayer. The laxity in their Mennonite
churches began to offend them and they exhorted their churches
to exercise church discipline. This was interpreted as self-
righteousness and was opposed by most of the leaders in the
churches. These ‘awakened’ Mennonites, who were referred to as
‘brethren,’ finally asked that communion be administered to them
separately. When this was denied, some of them met anyway and

25

had their own communion. Just a few days later on January 6,
1860 eighteen of these brethren signed a document at Elisabeth-
thal in the Molotschna declaring themselves an independent
church, but within the Mennonite brotherhood. The Elders
among the ‘churchly’ Mennonites (commonly used of the main-
line Mennonites— ‘kirchlich’ in German) resisted them strongly
and the ill-will that was manifested on both sides before the
‘brethren’ finally received recognition and legal status from the
government has taken over a century to heal.

The Mennonite Brethren emphasized repentance from sin,
conversion as a personal experience of faith in Christ, and a life
of prayer and conduct in keeping with the Bible. They stayed with
the teachings of Menno Simons, renouncing military service,
abstaining from taking the oath, and calling for simplicity of life.
Whereas other Mennonites had used sprinkling in baptism the
brethren came to adopt immersion. They elected their ministers
from the membership. In May 1860 they elected Heinrich
Huebert as their first elder and Jacob Becker as minister, and the
movement began to spread through the colonies. In the 1870s
200 MB families joined the larger emigration to the United States
and Canada. By 1 885 they numbered 1 ,800 in Russia and were
meeting in seven congregations and ten other unorganized
groups. The most extensive account of MB beginnings is in P.M,
Friesen’s The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia ( 1911).

School Years

But this religious split in the Russian Mennonite brother-
hood didn't mean much yet to seven year old Cornelius. It was
in the fall of 1901 that he entered elementary school. His father
took him across the street to the school and introduced him to
the teacher, Mr. John Sudermann, Cornelius mentions in his
biographical sketch that his father taught him to write before he
entered school. He says,

I can still picture the first sentence which he wrote for me in his
lovely hand: The lion is the king of the animals/ His writing was
better than that of my teacher, and I was now ordered to write my
letters as the teacher did, but I continued to write as father had
shown me. I have few special memories of my village school years.

26

To do my lessons was not difficult* and I passed the tests without
much effort The highlights were those times when father visited
the school* or the elders of the two congregations in New Samara
came to inspect the school (Biographical Sketch 5).

As far as my spiritual development was concerned those
elementary school years were foundational. I was too young to un-
derstand fully what occurred when mv parents had a spiritual
awakening and made the decision to follow Jesus and openly con-
fessed this. It was during the time when such brethren as Hein-
rich Guenther and Abram Nachtigal conducted evangelistic
meetings in the villages, also visiting the various homes dtmng the
day. Many people broke down, confessed their sins, and gave
thanks for the forgiveness of their sins. In our home family wor-
ship became deeper and more personal. Outwardly things also
changed; my father not only stopped smoking but removed all
smoking materials from his store. Among my comrades I heard it
said that the Klassens were also now among the ‘holy [pious] ones/
One change which did not please me at all was that traveling
preachers often stayed with us. In spite of all my efforts, they
would comer me and inquire about nmv spiritual welfare. But it
was the prayers of my father and mother, especially during eve-
ning devotions, that made me aware of the fact that I was a sinner.
This conviction gradually led to a deep desire for forgiveness, and
one evening, I too, was able to receive this thankfully. I will never
forget it. My parents rejoiced with me and were happy too that this
occurred before l left home for school in the Crimea. (Biographical
Sketch 7, 8)

Although his father had experienced a spiritual awakening
he never officially joined the MB church. He took the ‘Allianz*
position, which has already been referred to in connection with
Jacob Kroeker, a position that felt no need to decide between the
‘churchly 1 Mennonites and the 'brethren. 1 Some might say Cor-
nelius inherited some of this from his father, both in the family
and in his association with the different kinds of Mennonites. In
later years many were not sure which brand of Mennonites CF
belonged to. His mother, however, was more solidly of MB back-
ground, and as it happened, she provided more of the necessary
strictness and discipline in the family. Their eldest son also in-
herited a goodly measure of this from his mother, as will be seen
later.

In the summer of 1907 there was considerable discussion
in the Klassen household about where Cornelius should attend
high school. His father would have liked to send him to the school
in Ohrloff from which he himself had graduated, but since his

27

sister. Aunt Greta in Karassan was willing to provide room and
board it was decided that Cornelius would go to the high school
there. In the Crimea.

When the day came his six brothers were sad to see him go.
Two more had arrived, Abram In 1902 and Jacob in 1904. Jus-
tina, the first girl to arrive brought great rejoicing into the grow-
ing family, but she was just a year old when Cornelius left for
school. When the big day arrived the father with his seven sons
went by horse and buggy to Sorotschlnsk the closest railway sta-
tion. Little Henry said he couldn't hold back the tears (HFK 1 2) ,

Cornelius never forgot what his father said to him at this
time: "Remember that all you do reflects on me, for you carry my
name." This motif reappears at many points in his life and would
be applied also to his loyalty to his heavenly Father.

Life at home with six brothers had been full of exciting ac-
tivities, although from an early age it was evident that Cornelius
showed signs of having a weak heart. When it came to certain
kinds of heavy work and athletics it was quite apparent that he
could not keep up, though he drew as little attention to this as
possible. He was tall for his age and well built and to all appearan-
ces healthy and strong, but when it came to running and swim-
ming in the Took his brothers noticed that his weak heart would
force him to drop out long before the others. He did his best on
these occasions to cover it up or shrug it off. His parents too
hoped that it would gradually correct itself. They were not en-
couraged however when their son Abram died at the age of four-
teen of a heart disease. As we will see later his father died of a
stroke at the age of fifty-four and his mother at fifty-nine. Unfor-
tunately there is no official medical information available analyz-
ing this weakness.

It had been very noticeable that from a young age Cornelius
was very orderly and took good care of his clothes and his ap-
pearance. He always tried to see to it that his boots and shoes
were neatly polished, his hair combed, and his few belongings in
his room tidy and in good order. It became a nuisance to his si-
blings when he tried to apply this to the harnesses and tools in
the bam as well. Later in life it was interpreted by others to be
a form of pride. These habits were deeply engrained within him
for they remained with him throughout his life.

28

CF says, "During my first year in high school I was not very in-
dustrious and barely passed my exams. This really embarrassed
me. as far as parents and teachers were concerned, I knew that
my negligence was sin and repented of it Things changed and my
second and third years were much better, so that I could readily
accept my father's gift— the last trip home from Karas san involved
a boat ride along the Volga River." (Biographical Sketch 9)

A few incidents stand out in these high school years. On
one occasion he wrote home to his father asking what he should
do about a student who had taken offence at a teacher and had
defaced a public building with some uncomplimentary comments
about the teacher. The other teachers in their desire to discover
who was guilty, were encouraging the students to expose their
classmate as a point of honor. Cornelius had taken the situation
to heart and asked his father for counsel. His father wrote back
saying "No, do not reveal who it is, but encourage him to settle
the matter himself," Cornelius took the counsel seriously accept-
ing responsibility for his fellow student and being willing to con-
front him (HFK 15), This willingness to accept responsibility for
others was part of the leadership quality the Lord was develop-
ing in him. Later when the Lord was looking for someone to risk
his life for his brethren he found a willing heart in Cornelius.

While at high school Cornelius was greatly inspired by his
study of Johann Comies* life, D,H, Epp*s book on Comies had
just appeared. Writing later in Mennonite Exodus, Frank Epp
refers to Comies as the administrative genius ft who directed the
Agricultural Association which became an all-inclusive depart-
ment of economics and culture for the colonies" (21), Although
there is no question about the major contribution he made to
Mennonite life in the 1830s and 1840s In the fields of agriculture,
education* and administration, there is some concern about his
authoritarian approach.

The quotations that Cornelius picked out from Comies* let-
ters are quite revealing, Comies writes "I feel compelled to work
to the fullest of my ability while it is day, for the night is coming
when no one can work. Fm putting my trust in God my Saviour,
rather than looking too much to others or being swayed by those
who see things differently than I do. Above all I must not be half-
hearted, but forge ahead in God*s strength. My purpose in life is

29

not to accumulate property and become wealthy, but rather to
serve my fellow men" (HFK 1 5) . In the process Comies did become
quite wealthy and at times served his fellow men, unfortunately,
by pushing them aside.

As a high school student, however, Cornelius was Impressed
by Comies’ accomplishments and summed him up in glowing
terms: 'The youthful goal of this fiery and determined man was
to be a responsible member of the Mennonite church contribut-
ing to its well-being and growth. In matters of faith and con-
science he desired to be tolerant toward others and kindly to all
men, quick to forget any wrongs done to him, quick in keeping
his promises and in carrying out tasks entrusted to him, with or-
derliness, perseverance and steadfastness. He was open and
loving toward all those that sought his acquaintance or were look-
ing for help and counsel, regardless of their station in life" (HFK
15-16).

There is no doubt that some of these qualities which he ad-
mired in Comies were beginning to take shape in his own life.
This kind of admiration and respect for an older leader became
typical of CF. All through his life his closest friends were older
than he was and he looked up to them as the teachers and
preachers and leaders God had raised up to bless our brother-
hood. He thought of himself more as a younger disciple called to
do the practical tasks at hand, whereas they were called to speak
and teach the Word of God. In his life it included patriarchs like
Christian Neff and Elder David Toews, B.B. Janz, Benjamin
Unruh and his brother Abram Unruh, Harold Bender, Orie Miller
and many others. He never thought that most of them would out-
live him and would be honoring him at his funeral rather than he
at theirs.

After completing high school in the Crimea in the spring of
1910 Cornelius returned to his family in Donskoj . He was at home
for one year assisting his father in the store, and it was during
this year that he made a full commitment of his life, and decided
to follow the Lord in baptism. During the rest of his life he tes-
tified unashamedly of Christ as his personal saviour and Lord.
When asked to preach he often quoted God’s desire as expressed
in Proverbs 23:26 "Give me my son, your heart." He had yielded
his heart to the Lord and was now baptized in the river Tock and

30

received Into membership in the MB church of Donskoj /Lugowsk.

Moscow

In the fall of 1911 Cornelius was sent off to Moscow where
he began an apprenticeship in the office of the German gas motor
company of Otto Deutz. In eight months there, he had worked
his way up to be assistant to the secretary in charge of German
correspondence. His original hope in going to Moscow was to con-
tinue his studies in preparation for university entrance, and since
his work at Otto Deutz left little time for this he resigned and con-
tinued his studies under a tutor (The secondary schooling in
Karassan was not sufficient to enter a Russian university direct-
ly). After some months of this private study in Moscow he was en-
couraged to move to St Petersburg where he could more quickly
meet the needed requirements. His plan was to enter university
and prepare to study medicine. He thought that as a doctor he
would be enabled to serve the Lord and his brethren in the Men-
nonite colonies.

It was in St Petersburg that Cornelius came to know Peter
Froese who was studying engineering. They soon discovered that
they had similar interests and aspirations, and although Peter
was a few years older, they became very close friends. This
friendship was interrupted by the First World War but flowered
again when they served their brethren together in Moscow in the
twenties. Then their paths diverged and it was not until after the
Second World War that their friendship was renewed again in
West Germany.

With the outbreak of World War I in 19 14, Cornelius, who
was now twenty, was drafted, and decided in favor of non-com-
batant work in the Forestiy service. After a brief visit home he
was shipped off to southern Russia to serve in the Black Forest
contingent. Although the visit home was very brief it was a great
joy to see his parents again and to spend some time with his
brothers and sister. Three more brothers had arrived, John in
1908, Nick in 1910 and Alex in 19 12. So now eight year old Jus-
ttna had ten brothers! This was almost more than she could
handle, but during the war she was joined by two sisters, Agatha

31

in 1915 and Elfrieda in 1917. Later in life Cornelius liked to say
that they were a family of ten brothers and each one of them had
three sisters!

The Forestry Service, an alternative to military service, was
an arrangement the Mennonites worked out with the government
back in 1880— but not without considerable upheaval. Already
in 1870 Czar Alexander II announced that exemption from
military service could no longer be granted and that a policy of
Russification would be introduced with the intention of bringing
the minority groups into the mainstream of Russian life includ-
ing service in the Russian army. This shocked the Mennonites
and repeated representations were sent to the authorities to see
if a satisfactory arrangement for alternative service could be
worked out. Despite all this, in 1874 universal conscription was
introduced throughout the Russian empire. Many Mennonites
took this as the handwriting on the wall that would lead to their
total acculturation and suppression, and in the following six
years ( 1874-1880) 18,000 emigrated to America— one third of all
Russian Mennonites. The authorities finally relented, however,
and offered the Mennonites the Forestry Service as an alternative
to military service— with the condition that the Mennonites would
pay for the whole operation including construction of the bar-
racks and payment for the food and clothing of the men. Of the
14,000 young men who were drafted during World War I, 7,000
served in these forestry units, while the remainder served in the
Army Medical Corps or in the Russian Army itself.

32

Chapter 2

WAR AND REVOLUTION

"And you will hear of wars and rumors of wars"

(Matthew 24:6).

During his first year in the Forestry Camp, Cornelius, be-
cause of his physical limitation, worked as a gardener. During his
second year he served as a secretary to the Chief Forester. During
the third year, which covered the time of the 1917 February
Revolution, he was chosen by his comrades to lead their contin-
gent and represent them to the government and at Mennonite
conferences. This continued on until the general demobilization
of December 1917. The momentous events that took place in
Moscow and St Petersburg during this time, events that shook
the world, reached them in their remote comer of Russia by radio
transmitter and through newspapers and letters. The Men-
nonites on the whole seemed safe enough in their camps and in
their colonies, but the repercussions of what was happening in
the capital would finally touch every individual and every aspect
of their lives.

What was happening in Russia at this time changed the
course of history and has in one way or another affected the lives
of us all. It certainly did change things radically for the 100,000
Mennonites of Russia. Under the Czars about 75% of the Rus-
sian population was living under conditions of serfdom and op-
presssion— literally until 1861 when the serfs were freed and
virtually since then. It was a dictatorship where the Czar con-
trolled the people through the loyalty of the nobility and army to

33

him, through his firm grip on the police and the Russian Orthodox
Church, and through his strong nationalistic policies that
repressed the widely divergent ethnic groups that composed the
country. In some respects the revolution, when it came, was part-
ly justified. Some of tiie bright younger Mennonites who had gone
to the cities and universities recognized this.

The prosperity of the Mennonite colonies was in sharp con-
trast to the poverty of the masses. Unfortunately when all the
idealism and violence of the Revolution had run its course, about
90% of the population was still oppressed and living in bondage.
A Communist dictatorship had replaced the Czarist dictatorship
and in the process millions of lives were sacrificed and would yet
be sacrificed to the new god.

Russification

The Mennonite colonies had been tolerated by the Czars; in-
deed their development had once been encouraged as a possible
example of agricultural life for the rest of Russia. They enjoyed
their thriving life-style and hence were not among the 70% of the
oppressed population crying out for reform. However, Russian
toleration of this unusual group was swiftly declining.

Of this period CF writes: "Already before the War an ener-
getic policy of Russification lor Russianization] of the German
Colonies was pursued by certain government agencies. The Men-
nonites were able to resist this policy somewhat because of their
strong organizations" (MQR April 1932 25). Their schools, for ex-
ample, were placed under closer state supervision and Russian
was supposed to be the official language of instruction. He goes
on to say, however, that "when War broke out, the Russification
policy developed into a veritable hate against all German
colonists." This led to notorious expropriation and a "merciless
policy of destruction/' Some of this was official and planned but
some of it was a populist xenophobic movement, a natural back-
lash of the subject classes who were aggravated by the greater
progress of the ethnic immigrants, whatever their language or
religion.

It was as a result of these pressures that as early as 1916,

34

the Mennonltes had sent a delegation to St Petersburg to try to
establish their Dutch ancestry (an issue which would eventually
occupy much of CF’s attention in Europe). But the pressures on
the colonies during the war years helped sow the seeds of the
emigration movement. "Already at that time, thought of emigra-
tion was seriously considered. The experiences of the War led to
a feeling that one was without a homeland and without a father-
land" (MQR April 32 69).

As the revolution progressed, the Mennonite colonies were
resented not only for their German ethnicity. Now their inde-
pendence became a threat because of their economic and agricul-
tural success. They were not willing to be swallowed up in the
broader sweep of agrarian reforms welcomed by the masses.
They had too much to lose and nothing to gain. They were not
to be allowed to keep what they had, and the gradual invasion of
their life and peace and the eventual destruction of all they held
dear began a long process of hardship and suffering for the
colonies.

Revolutionary Factions

With the rise of the socialist revolution the people were
promised bread, and also freedom from the old repressions of the
Czars, the Church and the wealthy landowners. But the
reformers were divided amongst themselves between the Social
Democratic Party and the Socialist Revolutionary Party.

Both parties called for a socialist revolution, for the over-
throw of government controls, for the eradication of capitalism,
and a dictatorship of the proletariat— based on universal suffrage
(one man, one vote), and the basic freedoms of the press, speech,
association, and religion. The Social Democratic Party, that had
attracted Lenin and Trotzky among others, split into a majority
group, the Bolsheviks, including Lenin, and a minority group, the
Mensheviks, including Trotzky. The Bolsheviks adopted revolu-
tionary tactics, whereas the Mensheviks stayed with a more
evolutionary approach. The Socialist Revolutionary Party stood
for many of the same principles, but had more of a following
among students, the intelligentsia and especially among the

35

peasants. They were numerically the strongest party until they
were dislodged by the Bolsheviks in 1918.

The Mennonites were not immediately attracted to such
revolutionary politics. They were basically conservative and law-
abiding and had initially been loyal to the Czar— especially when
they were left alone. Culturally they would have fit in best with
the Liberal Party, made up mostly of nobles and professionals.
Like their counterparts in European countries these Liberals
favored political, economic and social reforms and all the
freedoms, but they were more divided on what they would put in
the place of the autocracy they opposed. After 1905 the Liberals
split into Constitutional Democrats (Kadets) and Octobrists— who
were satisfied with the Manifesto put forward by Czar Nicholas
on October 30, 1905. One Mennonite delegate sat in the Duma
(parliament) at that time.

But the in-flghting amongst those opposing the Czarist
regime boded ill for the future. In the years just before World War
I, civil unrest and discontent were spreading— strikes were be-
coming more common, agrarian disturbances were flaring up,
student rebellion was rampant, and the number of political as-
sassinations was increasing. In the face of all this turmoil the
government remained unchanging, answering only with brutal
reprisals.

The contrast between conditions in the country as a whole
and conditions in the Mennonite colonies is revealing. The
country as a whole was 76% illiterate, whereas the Mennonite
colonies, by contrast, enjoyed close to 100% literacy. The country
as a whole was painfully inexperienced in self-government,
whereas the Mennonite colonies had learned to run their affairs
quite efficiently, even if not altogether democratically. In-
dustrialization had also developed in the Mennonite colonies far
beyond that of the country as a whole. At one point about 7% of
all Russian farm machinery was made in Mennonite factories.

The mobilization of fifteen million Russian men for the War
proved to be disastrous for the industry of the country and for
agriculture and transportation. There were increased strikes in
war factories, and food demonstrations more frequently turned
into riots. The authorities seemed unwilling or unable to do any-
thing. Some felt that the demonic influence of Rasputin on the

36

Imperial family played into all this indecision. He was murdered
in December, 1916 and in the following two months Imperial Rus-
sia was brought to its knees and finally to extinction. These were
the downward steps:

On March 12, 1917 the Czar dissolved the recently convened
Duma and ordered the troops to maintain order. But the disil-
lusioned soldiers deserted to the crowds and by evening most
government buildings were under revolutionary control. In a last
ditch effort the members of the defunct Duma met and chose a
thirteen-man Temporary Committee to rule. On the same day
and in the same building, the Petrograd Soviet (council) of
Workers and Soldiers was also organized. These were the two
groups that could try to do something about the chaos that had
engulfed the country.

On the next day, March 13, Nicholas II abdicated, first in
favor of his son and then in favor of his brother Michael. But it
was in vain: neither could have done anything to stem the tide of
disorder and revolution.

On March 16 the Temporary Committee became a
Provisional Government with Prince Lvov as Premier and
Kerensky as deputy chairman of the Soviet and Minister of Jus-
tice. It seemed as if the old Czarist administration was disap-
pearing without a struggle. These events reverberated
throughout the whole country and were the beginning of ad-
ministrative, political, military, and economic chaos. How could
a Provisional Government committed to moderation and
gradualism handle the fact that it had no administrative ap-
paratus to carry out its orders? In most instances the
bureaucrats who had run the daily affairs of the country, were
out of favor and had abdicated their positions and fled. It was
faced also with a losing war, an acute food shortage, a paralyzed
transportation system, an empty treasury, and a discontented
populace. The peasants were demanding land, the workers were
demanding benefits, subject peoples like the Finns, Poles, Uk-
ranians, Germans were demanding autonomy, and soldiers were
demanding the end of hostilities. What a challenge! On top of all
this, Russia’s allies, the British and the French, were pressing for
increased war efforts on Russia’s part in their struggle against
Germany. What a terrible dilemma for the country: yet by con-

37

trast how sheltered the Mennonite colonies were from most of
these catastrophic happenings. But this was not to last*

As was mentioned above, just at the time of the abdication
of the Czar and the outbreak of the revolution, Cornelius was
chosen by his brethren in the Forestry Camp to represent them
to the government and at Mennonite conferences. Speaking of
this time he writes:

In the spring of 1917 our dilapidated government broke
down. In consequence of the revolution in February it seemed as
though many favorable opportunites were appearing for us. [The
Provisional Government, for example, had promised new freedom
for all minority groups,} The Mennonites, as all the German
colonies, had been strengthened in their will to solidarity by the
hard experiences of war-time. Hie new era opened up new pos-
sibilities and gave new challenges. Within a few months after the
February revolution we were able to summon an all-Russian Men-
nonite convention which dealt with the various economic and cul-
tural problems facing our colonies, (MQR 71)

The AU-Mennonite Congress

The conference he attended was the All- Mennonite Congress
in Ohrloff in August. 1917. The Ohrfoff Mennonite Church was
founded in 1804 and was the oldest congregation in the
Molotschna settlement. It was a rural congregation that served
about seven villages in the vicinity. It was the congregation that
the well-known Johann Comies had belonged to, and was the
place where the first Mennonite high school (Zentralschule) came
into being. The membership reached about 1500 at its peak.

The 141 delegates to this Congress met In the school. At the
opening service, Solomon Ediger, a leading Mennonite preacher
and teacher, described the political turmoil shaking Russia and
challenged the Mennonites to become more united. To resist the
pressures that would come upon them, and to make their con-
tribution toward reconstruction, they would have to speak and
act with one voice. This was the purpose for calling the Congress.
The expenses for the Congress, interestingly enough, were to be
covered by the sale of national newspapers made available to the
delegates in the vestibule of the school.

The first matter dealt with was the selection of a praesldium.
Benjamin H. Unruh was chosen first chairman with his younger

38

brother, Abram H. Unruh as one of the secretaries. Both became
close friends of CF in the years to come— Abram as one of the
main leaders among Manitoba MBs and Benjamin as one of the
leading brethren among the Mennonites of Germany. This Con-
gress was Benjamin’s first meeting with Cornelius and he said
later that he was immediately impressed with the seriousness and
stature of this young delegate. Although Cornelius was just twen-
ty-three, Unruh felt that the similarity of their convictions on
Christian piety and the peace position already drew them
together.

As it began its deliberations the Congress had to wrestle with
the basic economic questions the new government was raising:
the Intention to dissolve private property rights. This seemed
utter madness to most delegates but it did force them to consider
other aspects of land reform, including the redistribution of
Crown lands, church lands and large private estates. They would
be sub-divided to provide something for the landless class. The
goal would be the improvement of the economy and the welfare
of the country as a whole. At this point they were trying to
respond to the changes and rise to the challenge. How could they
adjust the agricultural economy to be more just, and to fit better
into a socialist framework?

In light of what has happened since, it is perhaps significant
that some of the delegates are described as having socialist lean-
ings. Peter Froese, who later became CF’s closest co-worker, was
one of the spokesmen for this element. As a young idealistic
university student this was largely a theoretical stance. His
father was an MB minister in the Memrick settlement, but B.B.
Janz mentions that, as a high school student in Halbstadt, Froese
took a fairly progressive attitude in the matter of relating more
openly and freely with the students from the girls’ school. When
it came to marriage he chose to marry a Russian Christian girl.
The debate at the Congress focussed on the relationship of Chris-
tianity to socialism, and Froese took the position that ‘Chris-
tianity is certainly closer to socialism than it is to capitalism, even
though Christianity and socialism are not be to identified.’ He
finally agreed with the majority at the Congress that for the time
being private land ownership was best, but he was not so sure
that this would always be the case.

39

The Congress unanimously supported the Idea that a land
fund should be organized, drawing on state lands and domains,
monastery and church lands, and overly large private estates,
and that peasants with no land or not enough land should be
helped from this fund. Land taken from the very large estates,
they were convinced, should Involve compensation to the owners.
It was agreed as well that large estates should be taxed more
heavily with an aim to a gradual reduction in the size of the larger
estates and an Increase In the size of the smaller ones. Some of
these concepts are clearly progressive In terms of what Men-
nonites were used to, and represent a new willingness to apply
the principles of justice to the country as a whole, even If it was
to their own immediate disadvantage. They also agreed to en-
courage cooperatives and credit unions and organize more
agricultural research stations and agricultural colleges. But all
of this as it turned out would be too little too late.

The second main report had to do with their organization as
Mennonites. They finally agreed to establish a permanent Men-
nonite Central Office (Mennozentrum) with headquarters in
Halbstadt. It was to consist of twenty members and their main
responsibility was to carry out the decisions of the Congress with
an end to coordinating and unifying the cultural life of all Rus-
sian Mennonites. It would also involve some publishing. Ben-
jamin Unruh headed up the list of men chosen. Another
responsibility related to the fact that the Mennonlte coloniesjoint-
ly carried the total financial responsibility for the maintenance of
the Forestry contingents and also for the support of Mennonites
who did enlist in the Russian army, as well as support for their
wives and families. This was becoming quite a burden on top of
all the other requisitions of foodstuffs and animals by the govern-
ment. But the economic chaos descending on the country had
not hit them too hard yet. At this point they were still able to con-
vene conferences, make trips— even to Europe, operate a Centre
in Halbstadt and pay its employees etc.

The question of biblical non-resistance also surfaced at this
Congress and the wide divergence represented among the Men-
nonites was quite evident. The presence at the Congress, of a
number of uniformed Mennonite soldiers who had not yet been
demobilized, made it clear that for many Russian Mennonites

40

non-resistance was an historic doctrine that had lost its
relevance. This was not true for Cornelius— even though two of
his brothers would later join up with the White Army. As a dis-
ciple of Christ the command of Jesus to love our enemies had al-
ready gripped his heart. It would be put to the test in the months
to come, but as we will see. it became even firmer under pres-
sure.

There was still a spirit of optimism evident at the Ohrloff
Congress in August 1917, but the events of the November 1917
Revolution changed all that. Of this period CF wrote.

The revolution in November 1917, however, shattered all these
plans. Lenin gave to Russia the dictatorship of the proletariat. The
revolutionaiy system, however, was not so readily and easily es-
tablished. in many regions a wild anarchy set in, especially in
South Russia. The bands of anarchists were particularly destruc-
tive in our Mennonite villages. It was in that awful time that in one
night all the male inhabitants of the village of Einlage in the
Molotschna were massacred. What our churches had to endure
in those days cannot be described (MQR April 30 70).

The immediate effect this had on all the Mennonite villages
and colonies throughout Russia and the Ukraine was that the
local self-government they had enjoyed for over a century, came
to an abrupt end. With the Revolution all political and economic
authority was suddenly put into the hands of local soviets of
workers and peasants. These changes were not implemented
everywhere at the same rate and with the same immediate con-
sequences, but the change when it came was a fundamental one.
and one the Mennonites were never quite able to fit into. These
Soviets were made up of the poorer and propertyless elements of
society and they used their new power, often ruthlessly, in im-
proving their own economic situation. In one instance, for ex-
ample, the Chortitza Soviet, demanded a payment of two million
rubles from the Mennonite villagers to be paid within three days—
and they took several hostages to insure quick compliance.

Negotiating with the Authorities

This is the kind of situation that CF returned to when the
Treaty of Brest Litovsk ushered in general demobilization in

41

December 1917. In his own brief summary of these crucial years
he writes.

After 1 had returned home from my compulsory service, the New
Samara colony appointed me as their deputy and gave me the as-
signment of extricating the Colony from its finks with the Bashkir
regional government, so that New Samara could be recognized as
an independent entity. With this in mind I attended the sessions
of the regional Council in Sterlitamak and began negotiations.
Just at that time armed Bolsheviks arrived breaking up the meet-
ing, disbanding the Council, and setting up their own Soviet, In
spite of all this our request was granted and a separate Mennonlte
Volost' (municipal authority) was established in which my respon-
sibility was with the school system in the colony (Biographical
Sketch 5).

He would soon find out that this was a temporary conces-
sion. In the long run Mennonlte independence would not be
tolerated.

These negotiations in Sterlitamak occupied most of the
winter months. Then in April of 19 18 the colony asked Cornelius
to go to Moscow to establish contact with the German embassy
there. While he was in Moscow, civil war was erupting in many
parts of Russia, and news reached him that the route back to New
Samara was cut off by Czechoslovak troops. At just this time his
negotiations at the Embassy were interrupted by the assassina-
tion of the German ambassador, Count Mirbach. What could he
do but risk the return trip home? On the way, however, he was
suddenly detained and arrested and threatened with being shot.
Amidst confusion among the leaders Cornelius was able to slip
away from his captors and escape back to his home in Donskoj.
How he praised God with his family for his deliverance.

By November 1918 the municipal Council In New Samara
had been liquidated by the Bolsheviks. So again Cornelius was
assigned to represent the colonies* interests in Sterlitamak— and
again he was successful in negotiating an independent Council
for the Colony. But the Bashkir republic with headquarters in
Sterlitamak was always at the mercy of changes in Moscow, so
New Samara sent Cornelius to Moscow to try to assure continued
protection and recognition for the colony.

In Moscow Cornelius was able to move in with his friend
Peter Freese who had a little room in the Red Cross warehouse

42

which was on the circumference of the city on what was known
as Vladimirski Chausee. Through Peter he found out about the
"United Council of Religious Societies and Groups" that had
received official recognition in January 1919. It was made up of
friends and followers of Tolstoy as well as evangelicals (Stundists)
and Baptists. Chertkov, a personal friend of Tolstoy, had gone to
Lenin, who was known to respect Tolstoy and his philosophy, as-
suring him of their respect for human authority and a strong con-
science against shedding human blood. Lenin himself had their
authorization as a Council cleared through the Central Executive
Committee of the Communist Party, so that they would be the
central organ through which religious matters would be chan-
neled to the government.

These men were Impressed with Froese and Klassen who
were elected to the Executive Board, This United Council' was
legally recognized and was granted the right to appear before the
court as expert counsel in all cases of trial of those who refused
military service. The United Council 1 in those darkest years of
anarchy, succeeded with the help of God in preserving thousands
of young men from the worst, and in saving very many from death
by execution. Naturally, the energetic work of the Council soon
became very obnoxious to the Bolsheviks, who set up a remark-
able five day trial against the members of the Council and dis-
solved the Council. The rich archive of the United Council' was
confiscated and has been almost totally lost. This archive, which
unmasked the whole phraseology of the Bolsheviks about the
‘model 1 freedom of conscience enjoyed by every citizen of the
Soviet State, had to be destroyed (MQR 71), It was through the
Council that Cornelius was able to assure the protection and in-
dependence of New Samara from abuse by local Soviets. This
privileged position of the Council did not last long however. The
Soviet leaders soon realized that this arrangement was not in the
best interest of their atheistic egalitarian position.

Chaos in the Ukraine

While Cornelius was in Moscow the Mennonite villages in
the Ukraine were going through a veritable hell. These people,

43

and what they endured, would become a part of CFs life and min-
istry through to the end of his days, so it is important to under-
stand their situation. With the Treaty of Brest Litovsk, Lenin lost
temporary control of the Ukraine. A Ukrainian brand of Com-
munism was trying to assert control there, but it wasn’t without
a struggle. With the Bolshevik takeover and the organization of
local Soviets, the mills and local businesses began to be taken
over by the government. The Red Guard began ruthless requisi-
tioning of food stuff, horses and other livestock, clothing and cur-
rency. Unreasonable grain deliveries to the mills were ordered.

In March 1918 the German army moved into the area where
the Mennonites lived and the banditry and requisitioning was
restrained for eight months. The colonies appreciated the Ger-
man presence since it meant relief from some of the chaos and
bloodshed that had broken loose after the Revolution. The
presence of the German soldiers, however, encouraged a militaris-
tic spirit of self- protection ( ‘Selbstschutz’) and armed resistance
among some of the Mennonites. But when the German army was
driven out in November 1918 this collaboration of the Mennonites
and other German-speaking Russians with the German Army in-
furiated the local Russian populace. One of the most notorious
leaders that sought to take revenge on the Mennonites was Nes-
tor Makhno. He had once worked for a German-speaking farmer
and hadn’t been treated that well. Now with his robber army he
was merciless in his attacks on the Mennonite villagers for a
period of six weeks until the White Army forces moved into the
area. The ‘ Selbstschutz ’ action by a small group of Mennonites
during those six weeks was done in cooperation with some of the
German Lutheran and German Catholic farmers, and later was
encouraged by elements from the White Army of General Denikin.

In one instance these ‘Selbstschutz’ troops, including some
Mennonites, shot and killed some of their attackers. Not long
after, beginning in March 1919, Makhno took his revenge, and
all of those involved were killed, plus many more. A revolution-
ary tribunal of the Red Army sat at Melitopol at this time and
every week hundreds of death sentences were passed— also on
some Mennonites. This went on until June, when the White Army
occupied the area again for the summer months. By late Sep-
tember the Whites were driven out and a period of unprecedented

44

plunder* violence and rape followed* as well as heavy requisi-
tioning of grain and livestock and forced shelter and feeding of
soldiers. From December 1 9 1 9 to July 1 920 the Red Army main-
tained control of the Ukraine but then from July to September
the battle line between the Red and White armies moved back and
forth— changing as much as twelve times in one Mennonite vil-
lage* The unhygienic conditions of that time brought a typhus
epidemic with it in the fall of 1920 and, as it turned out, more of
the Mennonite colonists died of typhus than of war and anarchy*
This then led right into the severe drought of the spring of 1921
and to the ensuing crop failures, and widespread famine from the
spring of 1921 through to the fall of 1922*

When the Bolsheviks finally regained full control of the Uk-
raine by late 1920, the impression they had was that the Uk-
rainian Mennonites were supporters of counter-revolution. This
impression was strengthened by the wealth and privilege Men-
nonites had enjoyed, and by their religious nonconformity, use
of the German language and refusal to bear arms* How could
such a minority possibly be assimilated into the Russian Com-
munist way of life* A Communist official summed up the Men-
nonite predicament as follows, 1T We (Communists) do not move
against the masses* but with them. These masses are against
you (Mennonites), If we give you the land (which you have pos-
sessed for 130 years) the neighboring Russians will continue to
destroy and murder* What shall we do then? We simply cannot
help you. We must reckon with the masses." {Lost Fatherland
110 ).

By winter 1919/1920 CF was back in Sterlitamak repre-
senting not only the interests of New Samara but also those of
the thirty-seven villages of the Orenburg colony. But these were
days of uncertainty and rapid unforeseen changes. Suddenly in
the spring of 1920 the Bashkirs were out of favor once more in
Moscow and their government was dissolved again for being too
liberal and independent. All those objecting were arrested. Since
CF had spent so much time there with the authorities, his ULfe too
was endangered* so he went into hiding for a few months work-
ing for his room and board in a cheese factory in Old Samara,

It was in July 1 920 that representatives of many of the Men-
nonite colonies outside the Ukraine met in Davlekanovo in the

45

province of Ufa. CF and Karl Friedricksen, a local teacher and
evangelist, chaired the Conference. It was the first meeting of its
kind since the Revolution of November 1917 and is remembered
particularly because it called into being the ‘Menno Centre in
Moscow. It was created to look after the interests of Mennonites
from eastern Russia and Siberia— about two-fifths of the Men-
nonites of Russia. The Conference also asked Peter Froese and
Cornelius to take charge of the Centre.

It was not long after, that a general amnesty was declared
for all those who had been active in the Bashkir government in
Sterlitamak. On hearing this news Cornelius immediately left for
Moscow. For the time being it was back into the little room in the
Red Cross warehouse, where Peter had part-time employment.

46

Chapter 3

FAMINE AND RELIEF

"I was hungry and you gave me food... I was naked and
you clothed me" (Matthew 25:35).

Meanwhile the situation for the Mennonites in the Ukraine
was even more desperate than for those in eastern Russia, and
it was worsening. As we have seen the Civil War and Makhno’s
ravaging had caused untold havoc. Hundreds had been brutal-
ly raped and murdered and the survivors had lost everything
either to the harsh requisitioning of the local Soviets or to the
plundering of the armies and bandits. A typhus epidemic had
also taken hundreds of lives. In addition there had been a total
crop failure and the colonies were hopelessly overcrowded with
refugees from the surrounding devastated area. To all this was
added the drought that began in the spring of 1921 and lasted
until the fall of 1922. This was the beginning of what became
known as the great famine of 1921-22. Conditions were so bad
throughout the whole country that Lenin and his comrades were
forced to drop ‘war communism,’ the strict ideology of the war
period, in favor of the New Economic Policy (NEP) which did at
least allow for a minimum of private business initiative.

In the midst of all this suffering, many letters were written
to fellow Mennonites in the United States and Canada describing
the desperate famine conditions and crying for help. A three
member Study Commission led by Benjamin Unruh had also left
for Europe and America in January of 1920 with an aim to in-
form their brethren of the crisis they were in and to solicit help.

47

These appeals, as it turned out, played directly into the forming
of what has become well-known as the Mennonite Central Com-
mittee (MCC)— a result of meetings of representative Mennonites
in Elkhart, Indiana in July 1920. At these meetings the decision
was made to send Professor Alvin Miller and two others to Rus-
sia to try to open the doors for American Mennonite Relief.

MCC Arrives

It was in the spring of 192 1 that Froese and Klassen heard
that the American Mennonite Relief representative Alvin Miller
was in Constantinople trying to get into Russia. The Russians
however were blocking his entry so Cornelius tried his utmost in
the Foreign Office to get a pass for himself to travel to Constan-
tinople. Finally Litvinov, one of the deputies in the Foreign Of-
fice, promised to provide the pass. As it turned out CF was never
able to use it.

In the summer of 192 1 an All-Russian Relief Committee was
organized under the chairmanship of Leo Kamenev, who headed
up the government’s Central Commission for Combatting
Famine. This committee was made up of some influential univer-
sity men and former government officials. Klassen and Froese
were also chosen to be members of the committee and it seemed
that a legal basis for some good work was being laid; but in short
order their hopes were crushed. Some government officials be-
came envious of the Committee’s success and suddenly in mid-
August the Committee was dissolved by the dreaded ‘Cheka,’ the
Communist Secret Police, and most of the members were arrested
and imprisoned.

Klassen and Froese were put into solitary confinement in the
notorious Lubjanka prison, and Cornelius’ brother Henry, who
happened to be at the meeting as a representative of Quaker
Relief, was thrown into a common cell along with the others.
These were frightening days and nights, for they knew that many
that had been imprisoned there had never been seen again. After
about ten days of intensive interrogation, (during which time they
found out that Tolstoy’s daughter and the famous author Maxim
Gorky were also in there with them) , they were released, to their

48

great relief. Many prayers had been offered up for them during
this time.

On the day of Cornelius’ release, Saturday, August 27, 1921,
Alvin Miller arrived in Moscow. However, they did not become
aware of this for a few days. Finding each other was no easy mat-
ter "for the veiy atmosphere was charged with fear and suspicion,
and all foreigners were suspect" (Miller 173). In a city of over one
and a half million, ‘turned upside down by revolution’ Miller didn’t
have the help of a city directory or telephone directory. He
couldn’t even use the telephone inquiry system since he didn’t
speak Russian. All normal mail deliveries were in chaos and in
the atmosphere of mistrust and suspicion normal routes of ques-
tioning or inquiry were extremely dangerous. Simple requests
were often misconstrued leading to arrests on charges of con-
spiracy. Eventually, in an almost miraculous manner, Miller
made contact with a Baptist by the name of Pavlov, who was able
to make a phone contact with the Red Cross building where
Froese worked. A letter sent by Miller from Rostov by confiden-
tial courier had reached Froese and Klassen and they were al-
ready acquainted with the work in the south.

The next morning the meeting between these brethren,
Froese and Miller, heretofore unknown to one another, yet now
united in a common task of mercy, took place at the Savoy Guest
House where Miller was staying. Miller describes his meeting
with CF’s close friend Froese,

As I came near the stairway, I observed a man approaching
whose features were noticeably different from those oi the people
with whom I had now for some time been dealing. It was neither a
Russian (Slavic) nor a Hebrew face. Neither could he be of the
foreign group in the Savoy, for his clothing was not foreign. His
face was lighted up and full of expectation. We realized, each of
us, that we were looking at each other intently, uncertain whether
to speak or not, yet each feeling that this was the man. Then he
greeted me in German, and we were at once acquainted. It was
Peter Franz Froese.

There were many things to discuss; my plans: what had been
accomplished thus fan how best to proceed. He was a well read
man, had studied in the higher schools in Germany, knew history,
and was able to stand aside and look at the volcanic upheaval in
Russia in an objective way, as something almost inevitable follow-

49

ing the abuses of the old regime. Yet he had a sympathetic under-
standing and fine appreciation of all things Russian. In the course
of five years of close cooperation with him I was to learn more of
his high idealism, his enduring perseverance, and unfaltering
courage and faith (Miller 175-6).

Not feeling peaceful about an extended conversation at the
Savoy, they quickly moved to Froese’s quarters four miles out of
the city "on the road over which the exiles banished to Siberia by
the Czars used to shuffle along with chains on their feet, starting
on the long journey to the far away frontiers of civilization beyond
the Ural mountains” (Miller 176) . It was here that Miller met Klas-
sen for the first time. Of both. Miller writes,

both Froese and Klassen were young in years but old in ex-
perience.,* Klassen was a man of distinguished appearance and
had lust come home from prison,*. Freese and Klassen were ad-
mirably suited for their task* It is doubtful whether two other men
could nave been found among all the Russian Mennonites who
would have been able to do the work required* and endure its nerve-
racking strain as did these two young men* Their achievements
are monumental. And yet in spite of all the hard fought struggle
with government leaders, with malicious underlings, with dissen-
sions also among their own groups, they have remained
courageously at their posts continuously as representatives of the
Mennonites during more than eight years— when even the Com-
munist Party leadership shifted and broke, sending some of the
most prominent former government officials into exile" (Miller 1 76-

Miller also gives a revealing description of Moscow of that

time.

Everywhere in the city were the evidences of the revolution-
aiy upheaval “ streets in bad condition, sidewalks worn out, rub-
bish and refuse strewn about, buildings generally dilapidated,
houses a heap of ruins* here and there the gaunt skeleton of a bom-
barded dwelling like the quarters of the Kadets on the Tverskava
Boulevard. All the stores and shops were dosed as were also the
banks* A few buildings were used by the government as distribut-
ing centers, many as offices* many were empty and boarded shut*
With fewer dwellings and a larger population* Moscow was over-
filled, therefore the house or room space per person was fixed by
law. Small families were crowded into one or two small moms
where they all cooked, ate, slept, and lived together. Central heat-
ing systems or Dutch stoves were generally out of repair and re-
quired too much fuel. Rough brick furnaces were built into the

50

rooms on fine hardwood floors; or stoves set up with the pipe thrust
through the window pane or through a rude hole cut into the wall.
Occasionally tram cars passed slowly by, but they were only for
the workers— and only for those workers who had tram permits or
passes. Of such there were many more than the cars could ac-
commodate. Many people shabbily dressed and emaciated
wandered listlessly about on the streets. An atmosphere of suffer-
ing and hopelessness pervaded the city. The absorbing concern of
each was where to find the next meal. Overshadowing this was the
haunting dread of the Bolshevik secret service— ‘Cheka’ [later GPU
and KGB]. In sharp contrast to the populace was the assurance
and conscious purposiveness of the Bolsneviks, who toiled tireless-
ly to achieve the goals set for the revolution (Miller 134).

Surveying the Needs

One of the first things that Froese and Klassen did was send
off a telegram to B.B. Janz down in Kharkov informing him of
Miller’s arrival in Moscow. He made his way by train up to the
capital as quickly as possible. He met Miller at Froese and
Klassen’s apartment where they had long discussions into the
night bringing each other up to date on conditions among Men-
nonites in different parts of the country and the full extent of the
famine. The big question, of course, was how soon American
Mennonlte Relief help could be channeled to the different
colonies. While they were together they worked out a plan. As
soon as Miller had arranged a relief permission contract with the
government in Moscow he would come down to Kharkov to work
one out for the Ukraine. With the completion of this stage, he
would return to Riga and Berlin to make arrangements for the
relief goods to be shipped over from North America. It was agreed
that, while Miller was in Europe, Klassen would make an exten-
sive trip to as many of the Mennonlte colonies outside the Uk-
raine as possible to gain first-hand information about the famine,
assess the needs, and set up some local organizations to coor-
dinate the relief efforts. Janz would do the same thing in the Uk-
raine.

On December 3, 1921 Miller finally returned to Moscow from
Berlin, but it wasn’t until December 15 that Klassen returned
from his tour. This trip undoubtedly made a profound impres-
sion on CF. It was a gruesome sight indeed and a dramatic con-
trast to the happy years of his childhood in the prosperous years

51

of the colonies when it seemed that God’s blessing was upon their
lives. Now, in the Samara Gubernia (state) he found nothing but
famine and death. Many villages were deserted, their thatched
roofs tom off in an attempt to keep livestock alive and fed. Some
people had tried to flee the villages but had died along the road-
sides. Many were forced to eat tree bark, straw and various wild
animals like rats, gophers and crows or even domestic pets like
cats and dogs. The starving hordes would beg from house to
house crying for ‘Bread in God’s Name.’

In each village CF visited the scene was the same, and as he
travelled east as far as Orenburg conditions worsened. The bleak-
ness of the scene was only accentuated by the extreme winter
conditions for his journey. The horse-drawn sled often lost its
way in the snowy track. Once when they seemed completely lost
and were facing a night out in the blizzard CF and his driver
wandered helplessly in the snow far off the beaten track. Sud-
denly and miraculously— a sure answer to their desperate cry to
God for help— they saw a light and discovered a Mennonite home
that gave them welcome shelter for the night.

The first-hand exposure to the needs of the colonies that this
trip afforded CF led to the following relief allocations being desig-
nated immediately on his return to Moscow: December 19, $1000
for the Old and New-Samara colonies, and $300 for the Dav-
lekanovo group near Ufa; December 27, $1000 for the Orenburg
settlement. By the end of December 1921 delivery orders had
been made for Koeppenthal of $1500, New-Samara $3000, Old-
Samara $1000, Orenburg $3000 and Ufa $500. These sums
seem small by today’s standards, but at that time for $10, US
American Mennonite Relief could supply 49 pounds of white flour,
25 pounds of rice, 15 pounds of sugar, 10 pounds of lard, 3
pounds of tea, and twenty tins of condensed milk (by 1990 prices
almost the equivalent of $100 US). When it was all over the total
value of food and clothing contributed by Mennonites of America
for Russian Relief was $1,292,825.

For CF, the opportunity to work together with Alvin Miller
and the American Relief operation, at this crucial hour of the Rus-
sian brethren’s need, was deeply satisfying. It gave him a taste
of the way that brotherhood can work — a solidarity of fellowship
which can span oceans and continents with the love of God and

52

the outstretched arm of mercy and compassion.

The task of distributing the food was a monumental one.
The food supplies were stored in American Relief Administration
(ARA) warehouses often as much as fifty miles distant from the
starving villagers. The odds against the work were enormous.
Weather conditions were the worst possible; there were snow and
blizzards and many miles of uncleared roads. Men and horses
were weak; the danger of banditry and the raiding of food ship-
ments were very high. The only safety was in numbers, so
caravan travel was imperative. As the fathers of households ven-
tured out to obtain the food, starving fearful families stayed at
home and prayed for the protection of their loved ones and the
safe delivery of the precious freight— food for the hungry.

Christmas 1921— and what a Christmas that proved to be
for many! The food shipments meant the difference between life
and death. Just weeks before he had witnessed their extremity
and their despair. Now God had made a way for them to receive
the necessities for life and survival. He had seen the little children
with pinched and sober faces. There were no dreams of sugar
plums here as Christmas approached. Just incredulous wide
eyes as they saw their aged grandparents and emaciated parents
weep over the flour provided by their Mennonite brothers from
far-away America. He had himself experienced the hazards of
travel through blizzard and snow. He could now appreciate the
far greater danger of lonely snow-swept roads where weak fathers
braved the elements and hostile attacks to bring the food through
to their loved ones. How long those Journeys would be with weak
and failing horses. How long they would seem to the anxious
ones at home.

CF describes one visit he made to a grateful family.

On this trip I came to a family with many children. Mother
and father had faces and limbs swollen from hunger, the children
were emaciated. The mother had already mixed some dough and
the oldest girl was trying to make a fire in the stove which had not
been heated for a long time and therefore smoked quite a bit. At
last the fire caught and the mother put the dish with the dough on
the stove with considerable ceremony, and put the first biscuits
into the pan in which some American lard had been melted. The
children all stood around the stove. The mother could not restrain

53

the tears of gratitude which rolled freely down over her cheeks and
dropped onto the stove. But the eyes of the children! Those looks
I will never forget. I could not contain my feelings any longer and
slipped out of the house quietly. In the eyes of the children I read
that all the dollars, gilders, ana marks which had been given were
bearing interest, an interest of which the givers had no conception.
The whole relief work of our foreign congregations was a
demonstration oflove (MQR 73).

Mercifully, many of the shipments got through before
Christmas, probably more swiftly because of the prayers of the
brethren in the USA who had sent them, and the workers in Mos-
cow who had dispatched them so promptly. If ever there were
odds CF faced them here. Yet God proved his arm is not shor-
tened if men cooperate in His acts of mercy.

The Mennonites in the Ukraine were not as fortunate. The
bureaucratic bungling of permits between Moscow, the Ukraine
and ARA caused delays which prevented the food from reaching
them more promptly. Alvin Miller, defying the authorities’ refusal
of a permit, finally went by train to the Mennonite settlements
there, accompanied by Peter Froese who could assist him and
also serve as interpreter. The desperate human need they wit-
nessed would remain with them for life.

It wasn’t until March 1922 that the first relief kitchens began
operating in the Ukraine, and it wasn’t until May that they were
in full swing everywhere. They were feeding about 25,000 people
per month at the height of the operation. With limited supplies
it was a real challenge to work things out as fairly as possible.
The children and the aged were helped first and then others in
so far as there was enough to go around. Wherever the feeding
was carried on there was no discrimination— all who came were
fed regardless of their ethnic background or religion. Thousands
were rescued from sure starvation during the spring, summer
and fall of 1922, both in the Ukraine and in other colonies.

One revealing incident shared by CFs brother Henry, il-
lustrates the desperation of the starving colonies, yet CF’s
profound concern for the testimony of the Mennonite people. An
unfortunate episode took place in the Old-Samara colony in April,
1922. In one of the villages some Bashkirs and a few Mennonites
were caught in a large stealing operation. The men in the village
were so outraged they took justice into their own hands and

54

flogged the culprits so mercilessly that two of the Bashkirs died.
When one of the Mennonite school teachers protested publicly,
he was threatened and intimidated by a late night visit from some
of the village toughs . The chairman of the local municipal coun-
cil, a prominent Mennonite, was aware of the incident but said
nothing, When CF visited the Colony and urged them to meet
and deal with the problem they refused. On his return to Moscow
he wrote a letter on May 27 directed to all those involved in which
he exhorted them in God’s name to deal with the matter. He ap-
pealed to them to repent and to make restitution, and spelled out
what some of the evil consequences of inaction could be, both for
their relationship to the Bashkirs and the future of the relief and
emigration program.

A meeting was called on June 7 in which the chairman of
the council openly confessed his negligence and cowardice and
asked his brothers for forgiveness. The culprits also came for-
ward, acknowledged their guilt, and agreed to turn themselves in
to the state authorities. (HFK 19)

Organizing Relief in the Colonies

The rescue operation spearheaded by American Mennonite
Relief was a great help, but the Russian Mennonites knew that if
they wanted to get back on their feet once more they would have
to organize themselves and take some aggressive action- In the
spring of 1921 in the Ukraine* the Verband Buerger HoIIaendls-
cher Herkunfr (Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage* usually called
the Verband*) came into being* with B.B. Janz as its chief ar-
chitect and chairman— although the official recognition and
registration didnt come until April 1922. It is clear from the
charter that its basic thrust was the restoration of the Ukrainian
Mennonite colonies to their former level of economic prosperity-
through education* the maintenance of welfare institutions* and
the revitalization of agriculture. It was also committed to emigra-
tion. Already in December of 1921 they requested permission for
refugee and landless Mennonites to emigrate* their reasoning
being that this would alleviate the intensity of the famine and en-
sure a future livelihood for the remaining colonists.

55

In the wake of the famine of 192 1/ 1922 the agricultural and
economic condition of the Mennonite colonies was veiy low. The
impact of the famine, death of many male leaders, raids and ban-
ditry, government quotas etc., all left their mark on the villages
and farms. Some began to feel that the only solution was to seek
for another homeland in North or South America where peace and
a quiet agricultural life would be guaranteed.

Because the devastation and suffering were greater in the
Ukraine, there was a greater sense of urgency there that their
only real hope was emigration. As early as February 1922, at a
meeting in Ohrloff, the villagers unanimously decided in favor of
emigration. B.B. Janz became their leader and spokesman, and
he was the first to submit 300 names to the authorities for
clearance to leave the country. The response from the authorities
was encouraging. As long as they have proof that some country
will receive them, they can go. Paraguay had given consent a year
previously so on that basis, exit passes were granted— on the as-
sumption that they would leave by way of Odessa and the Black
Sea.

In the meantime Benjamin Unruh and the Canadian Men-
nonite Board of Colonization (usually referred to as *the Board’)
were negotiating with the Canadian government and the
Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR), and on August 22, 1922 word
came through, to B.B. Janz's delight, that Canada would receive
3,000 Russian Mennonite refugees. This was when CF and Peter
Froese were drawn into the negotiations. The sailings, however,
wouldn’t be quite as straight forward as the emigrants hoped. To
leave from a northern port they would have to pass through Rus-
sian territory, as opposed to Ukrainian, and would, consequent-
ly, have to get clearance from Moscow, not just Kharkov.

On September 22, 1922 Klassen and Froese went to
Smidovich of the Central Executive Committee and he gave his
guarded approval, if three conditions would be met: 1) That

Canada would guarantee that they would not compel any to
return to Russia, 2) That payment for the journey across Russia
be paid in advance, and 3) That clearance with the GPU (secret
police) and the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs be arranged.
This sounded a little more ominous than the first blanket ap-
proval.

56

On October 14 Klassen and Froese met with A. R. Owens, the
CPR deputy in Moscow, who assured them that two ships with a
capacity of 2,647 were ready in England and would come at a
moment’s notice. On November 9, however, Klassen and Froese
had to break the bad news to Janz that Russia was barring entry
into the country to the Canadian Immigration department doc-
tors who would be needed to clear the refugees, and that conse-
quently there would be no movement before spring. This was a
great disappointment to Janz and for those who had liquidated
all their belongings in preparation for a speedy departure. For-
tunately American Mennonite Relief was able to help them sur-
vive the winter.

While these negotiations for emigration were proceeding,
Klassen and Froese were working hard organizing an agricultural
society to work at economic reconstruction in the eastern
colonies. CF could not accept the death sentence on the once
thriving colonies. His optimistic nature and dogged persistence
in the face of obstacles and difficulties, told him that recovery was
possible if only some of the former measures could be utilized
again. These were hard work, good planning and organization,
and a pulling together as a brotherhood with all the available
resources. Surely with God’s help the colonies could again
flourish and even serve as a renewed example of the blessing and
prosperity God could give to an ordered way of life that honored
Him. Perhaps one of the hardest lessons of CF’s life was to watch
his hopes and dreams crumble, and though he gave his very best
energies and service to the prospect of revitalizing the life of the
colonies, his efforts were doomed to eventual failure.

Such experiences mould the characters of God’s leaders.
Success is not always the best teacher, nor the raw material for
the forging of character traits that prepare one for greater chal-
lenges ahead. In the Russia of the twenties CF learned to look
heartbreak and despair in the face, to adjust and readjust to the
adverse blows of circumstances and conditions beyond his con-
trol; whether in nature (famine and winter) or in politics (the
groundswell of the revolution). ‘Gott kann’ was no idle motto on
the lips of an optimist, it was the deep affirmation of faith of one
learning to survive knowing that "nothing can separate us from
the love of God in Christ Jesus, neither tribulation, nor distress.

57

nor persecution, nor famine, nor nakedness, nor peril, nor the
sword" (Romans 8:35).

Chapter 4

AFTERMATH AND
RECONSTRUCTION

"Fear not little Jlock, it is the Father’s good pleasure to give
you the kingdom . . . (Luke 12:32).

As already noted, a mood of optimism carried the day in 1 922
as CF threw himself into efforts to restore the declining life of the
colonies. With hind-sight it can be observed that such optimism
was ill-placed. A realist might have seen that the devastation in-
flicted on the Mennonite colonies would be lasting and that no
rebirth of the old life style would be possible. Political, economic,
social and cultural upheaval had taken too great a toll. And the
spiritual resilience of the settlements was at a low ebb. Yet per-
haps in the midst of events, CF could only recall the challenges
to faith and hard work of earlier heroes like Comies in a bygone
era. At any rate he redoubled his efforts to rescue his people,
doomed though they seemed to be. In the early months of 1922
he threw himself wholeheartedly, as only he could, into the
negotiations for the Agricultural Union.

Some preliminary efforts at organizing outside the Ukraine
were also afoot: a co-op to improve seed grains was organized in
Old-Samara under Herman Riesen's direction, and in Koeppen-
thal (am TrakO under Johannes J. Dyck’s leadership (the father
of CF’s future brother-in-law, Peter J. Dyck). In the Caucasus

58

(Kuban) a co-op was also organized under the leadership of Franz
Isaak, CA DeFehr, and Jacob Reimer. It was In the summer of
1922 that Klassen and Froese, having witnessed the sad state to
which farming had declined, especially in the Volga colonies,
began to discuss the possibility of organizing a Mennonite agricul-
tural society.

The All-Russian Mennonite Agricultural Union

This led to a conference in October 1922 in Alexandertal in
Old Samara, where representatives appeared from New Samara,
Askadak, Barnaul, Kuban, Trakt, Turkestan and Ufa. Here it was
agreed that Froese and Klassen together with Franz Isaak should
draw up a charter, working out the legal details so that it could
be approved by the government. The spiritual aspects would have
to be played down as much as possible so that it would appear
to be primarily an agricultural and economic venture that could
help the country as a whole to recover. A month later the or-
ganizational committee met and drew up a charter organizing it
as a society CVerein,’ i.e. as opposed to a Verband') so that
branches could be formed wherever necessary.

Back in Moscow Klassen and Froese presented the docu-
ment first to Peter Smidovtch, one of the leading communists on
the Central Executive Committee. He was one of the older
revolutionaries, a man whose hair had already turned white, who
had spent a lot of time in Czarist prisons in the years before the
revolution. In prison he had served time alongside Baptists and
other evangelical Christians imprisoned for their faith. Although
his convictions were diametrically opposed to theirs he did get to
know them and understand them. He knew what the Mennonites
represented and realized that destroying the colonies would con-
tribute further to the economic ruin of the country. He was ob-
viously an intelligent man and asked some very incisive questions
about the state of things in the colonies. He then passed the
document on to the People’s Commissar for Agriculture. The first
hurdle had been overcome.

It passed through this department with J ust a few minor al-
terations, but it wasn't quite so simple when it got to the Depait-

59

ment of the Interior. They insisted the Justice Department had
to approve it as well, so it was passed on to PA. Krassikov, with
whom Klassen and Froese had had some heated discussions ear-
lier on the non-resistance question. Klassen writes.

Although he could be veiy hard and sarcastic, we sensed that
he respectecf us for our openness and our strong convictions. He
told us that the Soviet Government couldn’t possibly tolerate a
religious organization even if it had significant economic functions.

He sensed rightly that the Mennonites were basically a religious
movement, but when he asked, ‘Who are the Mennonites
anyway?’— the breakthrough came. We said that the Mennonites
are descendants of immigrants from Holland and Germany. ‘Well
why didn’t you say that?’ And when we did, that seemed to satis-
fy him, ana he approved the proposal and so did the Department
of the Interior. Having gone this whole route and having taken over
four months, it was finally passed by the Central Executive Com-
mittee on May 1 6, 1 923, ana included in part II of Laws and Regula-
tions of the Workers and Peasants Government. It was a great
triumph for us because it now became the legal basis on which our
work for the Mennonites could proceed ana grow.” fToews Select
198)

Cornelius’ love for his people and his loyalty are quite evi-
dent from the opening paragraph of his report on the founding of
the Society,

Even though we are just a little flock, as Mennonites, with
manifest weaknesses, there is a healthy kernel there of those who
still trust God, and even when courage flounders there is a pulling
together that draws on help from above— and does that with a
tenacity that is at times truly astounding. Hasn’t the truth of this
been evident in the last years? Yes indeed! Even in the darkest of
times the kernel of faith was evident. When famine entered our
homes, our little flock of Mennonites did not lose heart. Friends
from overseas heard our cry for help, and praise God, most of us
survived death by starvation.

Even the desire to emigrate is not based on despair; but at
its best proves that we will endure any hardship in order to sur-
vive and press on. On the other hand we realized that not all would
be able to leave. To accomplish this was far beyond our means.
And then the word that came to us was ‘reconstruction.’ The
economic disaster that has hit us can and must be overcome. This
great challenge absorbs all our energies. As we rise to meet it today
we will give it our untiring dedication. fToews Select 199-200)

60

We were well aware of the fact that without organizing there
was no way forward. So the ‘All-Russischer Mennonitischer
Landwirtschaftlicher Verein* (All-Russian Mennonite Agricultural
Society) had to come into being— later referred to as the A.M.L.V.
or just ‘the Verein/ The birth wasn’t an easy one, but our little
flock of Mennonite people will come to appreciate it all the more
because of this." Cornelius closes the report with this prayer, "And
now may God grant our little flock of Mennonites much grace in
solving the problems that lie ahead of us (Toews Select 203).

None of them fully realized how grievous those problems
could be. But having survived the great War, the banditry, the
devastation of the Civil War. the typhus epidemic, and the famine,
there was now hope that the general situation would gradually
improve.

First Congress of the A.M.L.V.

The crops were better in the summer and fall of 1923 and
the American Mennonite Relief operation was gradually able to
cut back in its relief efforts. There was considerable excitement
when the delegates arrived in Alexandertal in October 1923 for
the first general Congress of the AMLV. Franz Isaak, who later
became the pastor of CF’s little MB church in North End Win-
nipeg, was the chairman of the Organization Committee and of-
ficially opened the Congress. Alvin Miller was present and
expressed his joy at being with them and brought warm greetings
from Mennonite brothers and sisters in America. Cornelius also
greeted the delegates on behalf of the Menno Center and reminded
them that it was not only the economic crisis in the country that
was bringing them together but also the "will to work, to put
shoulders to the task" (Toews Select 219).

Jacob Reimer from the Kuban was chosen as the first chair-
man and Franz C. Thiessen from Davelakanovo as one of the
secretaries. Next they agreed to send the following telegram to
the Kremlin: 'To Central Executive Committee member P.G.
Smidovich: the first Congress of delegates of the AMLV, which has
chosen you as honorary chairman, greets the Soviet government,
and declares that they support as much as possible the efforts of
the government toward agricultural reconstruction." (Toews
Select 221) Another telegram was sent to the MCC in America:

61

"The first Congress of delegates of the AMLV is asking Prof. Miller
to extend to the Mennonites of the USA and Canada their warmest
greetings and heartfelt thanks" (Toews 221).

It was Peter Froese who reported to the delegates on behalf
of the Organization Committee, made up of Isaak, Klassen and
himself, describing their efforts in drawing up the document and
seeing it through the government departments until its approval
in May.

Franz Isaak described the eiforts of the three of them in Mos-
cow in finding a more suitable location out of which to work. They
finally found an abandoned theatre which the City Council agreed
to rent to them if they would undertake the remodeling. With
funds as scarce as they were it would not have been possible
without the help of Alvin Miller and AMR It consisted of eight
rooms on the second floor of the building and was particularly
suitable because, besides housing Froese and Klassen, there was
also room for other delegates and emigrants passing through
Moscow. It had been agreed a year prior to this that eveiy mem-
ber of the AMLV would donate the equivalent of a pound of wheat
per acre to undergird the operations of the Society and its execu-
tive. The staples in the diet at the Menno Center were the roasted
buns and millet porridge that Franz Isaak solicited from the
colonies out east.

On the second day of the proceedings, Cornelius, who had
been on loan to Alvin Miller and AMR was asked to give a brief
survey of the work of AMR among Mennonites and the larger
population. It was clear to him that any recovery of life among the
colonies was built on the foundation of the work of AMR. In
reviewing their work since theFallofl921,he was acknowledging
this debt. He said, "It would take us too far afield if I should review
for you the horrors of the 1921-22 famine. For those who went
through it the details are indelibly impressed on their memories.
The gruesome aspects needn’t be rehearsed here but we do want
to remind ourselves of the great help the AMR extended to us.
The following statistics will bear that out:

Feeding the Hungry— This began in the Volga settlements in
December 1921, but couldn’t commence in the Ukraine due to
bureaucratic delays until March 1922. The number that was fed
rose steadily reaching a peak of 38,650 in June. By August 1,

62

1923 a total of 402,644 people were fed, which averages out at
19,200 per month over a period of twenty months. These statis-
tics speak for themselves, and if we have eyes to see the suffer-
ing and joy behind them, the extent of it overwhelms us.

Tractor Work— At the same time that the feeding operation
was going on tractors were being brought over by AMR— twenty-
five in the fall of 1922 and twenty-five more in the spring of 1923.
These fifty tractors, with only a few interruptions due to the in-
accessibility of fuel, cultivated 17,500 acres of land. Most of this
was land that farmers had been forced to neglect for a number of
years. Here was true reconstruction work, thanks to Operation
Tractor.

Clothing Supplies— Approximately twelve box cars of used
clothing, underwear, and footwear were brought over by AMR, for
distribution in the colonies. Many families that had been reduced
to rags and tatters could be properly and warmly clad again. And
remember that wherever help was offered it was given indis-
criminately to Mennonite and non-Mennonite alike.

Packages of Supplies— Thousands of these valuable pack-
ages were sent by American Mennonites to Russia through Her-
bert Hoover’s American Relief Administration. From the
Molotschna and Chortitza colonies they were forwarded on to
Mennonites in the remotest comers of Russia through the AMR—
and what a blessing they were!

Relief for Slavgorod and Pavlodar— These Mennonite colonies
in Siberia issued an urgent appeal to AMR for seed grain in the
spring of 1923. Director Miller immediately issued $5,000 worth
of seed grain to these needy farmers, on the condition that they
repay it in the fall. Slavgorod, however, had a total crop failure
this summer and the need there is becoming truly desperate.
AMR came through again for them with a $5,000 supply of oats,
which will be a great help.

Charitable Institutions— Most of our institutions (Schools for
the Deaf, Hospitals etc.) in the Ukraine were supported by AMR
both with food and clothing. Without this help some would not
have been able to continue to operate.

Menno Center in Moscow— The Organization Committee and
the delegates from Moscow have already mentioned the substan-
tial help that AMR has extended to our Center. (Toews Select 224-

63

26 )

Then Cornelius summarized the results of the aid given.

The most basic result is the fact that thousands in our
colonies were rescued from certain starvation. To grasp this fully
one has to have experienced it, or at least have witnessed it. I
toured our colonies at that time and was in the homes where swol-
len victims of starvation were existing on field mice, crows, dogs,
carcasses and weed seeds. One has to have seen the tears of joy
in their hollow eyes when the first AMR rations were turned over
to them. One has to have read some of the hundreds of thank you
notes on file in the AMR office in Moscow to catch a true picture of
what this feeding of the hungry actually accomplished.

Another significant result was the fact that these relief sup-
plies enabled some of the neediest ones in our colonies not to have
to barter away eveiy last animal and bit of machineiy— which is
now facilitating the task of reconstruction. And what a wonderful
boost the fifty tractors were, and the 17,500 ploughed acres, to the
challenge of starting all over again. What a deep sense of satisfac-
tion overwhelmed me when I saw them cutting the first furrows in
the flat steppes of the Old Colony— steppes overgrown with weeds
the height oi a man. Since then hundreds of families that no longer
had a horse to work with have been provided with five to ten acres
of cultivated land.

Finally I must underline a non-material aspect. What a boost
to our morale was provided by AMR’s helpl Families totally
crushed by the famine, with absolutely no prospect in sight of ever
making it again, received fresh hope and courage to take up the
struggle of daily life once more.

Alvin Miller who directed the work, was assisted out on the
field by others from America, D.R. Hoeppner, G.G. Hiebert, D.
Schroeder, H.C. Yoder. Some have already returned, Arthur Slagel,
P.H. Unruh, D.M. Hofer, and C. Krehbiel. We owe a great debt of
gratitude to them all. Despite difficult and dangerous circumstan-
ces, they stood their ground and have been faithful. This is in
broad strokes a picture of the work. (Toews Select 226)

At this point the whole delegation rose as a man to express
their thanks to Miller and those he was representing. Miller in
turn responded by emphasizing the excellent spirit of coopera-
tion among them. More help had been extended in Russia than
in other countries, through a smaller number of outsiders, be-
cause of the dedicated help of the people through the local com-
mittees.

64

On the last day of the Congress Miller paid tribute to
Klassen’s close involvement with AMR in the following words:

In our AMR operations in Siberia we have now found another
man that we can entrust the work to. Until this time Cornelius
Klassen has been not only our right and left hand but also our eyes
and ears and mouth. In our dealings with the authorities Cor-
nelius has been of invaluable help to me. And since he was so well
acquainted with the situation in the Mennonite colonies I have
been able to delegate all the responsible matters to him. At this
point he is probably as well acquainted with the AMR operation in
Russia as anyone— both in the Volga region and the South. No
Russian Mennonite has given himself more totally to the cause of
the relief work than he has. But since he has now been chosen to
be on the Board of the AMLV his involvement with us can only be
marginal. (Toews 252)

Although the famine relief work, in cooperation with AMR,
had been a crucial chapter in CF's life, he now felt eager to give
himself to the work of the newly founded AMLV in Moscow on be-
half of the colonies’ continued struggle for survival. Two other
important matters came up on the last day of the Conference re-
lated to that work. On the one hand the decision was reached to
publish a monthly journal to help members keep in touch with
one another. It would be called ‘Der praktische Landwlrt’ (the
practical farmer or agriculturalist). Although the main thrust
would have to be agricultural, it would also include other news
of interest to all.

The other subject that arose was emigration. Peter Froese
reported that in the Ukraine permission had been received that
summer (1923) for 3,000 Mennonites to emigrate. Up to this point
only a few individuals had actually gone, because not that many
were yet convinced that this was their best hope. This is quite
evident from a resolution that Cornelius proposed and which the
delegates accepted. It ran, "The Congress is categorically com-
mitted to aggressive reconstruction work in our Colonies, and
raises a warning about unrealistic illusions in the matter of
emigration: acknowledging, however, that where special cir-
cumstances make it clear that emigration is the best solution, the
AMLV will do its utmost to assist" (Toews 255). On this note the
Congress came to an end and the delegates disbanded hoping for

65

the best, but aware of the many warning signs that had been and
were being raised. The 'unrealistic illusions’ referred to were the
hopes of getting out easily and the expectation that this would be
the quick solution to all their problems.

In the months following, CF and the Board worked hard at
founding branch units and sub- branches— nineteen of the former
and fifty-six of the latter. This represented 5,965 farms, ap-
proximately 80% of all the Mennonite farms outside the Ukraine.

66

Chapter 5

EMIGRATION

"When they persecute you in one town, Jlee to the next'

(Matthew 10:23).

In spite of all CF’s efforts to bring life back into the strug-
gling colonies, the Mennonite people were increasingly seeing
emigration as their best option. By 1924 those choosing this al-
ternative included some of his own family. Though his hopes and
dreams had been directed toward building a better life again on
the steppes of Russia it seemed that was a dying vision. Although
he remained faithful at his post in Moscow the pressure to
emigrate was increasing.

On May 8. 1923, a few days before the AMLV received offi-
cial recognition. Klassen and FYoese found out that the last
obstacle for the first group of emigrants to leave had been
removed. This was Germany’s willingness to receive any Men-
nonites who were rejected, because of trachoma or tuberculosis
or other illnesses, by the Canadian doctors in Riga. Benjamin
Unruh arranged for the German Mennonite Aid Society to provide
for their keep at the Lechfeld refugee camp. As soon as this was
clarified, B.B. Janz was notified and he came to Moscow. On May
2 1 Klassen and Janz went to the Foreign Commissariat to com-
plete the arrangements. Everything seemed to be in order. On
June 10 a Thanksgiving Service was held at the Menno Center to
thank God for His guidance and to ask for strength for the path
ahead. June 16 Klassen and Janz left by train for the Ukraine,
and. there, on June 22, 1923 the first group of 726 left from Chor-

67

titza for Canada. It was a tearful farewell. Would they ever see
each other again? The train took them to the Russian/Latvian
border station at Sebezh and from there on to Riga. Other groups
followed In the next weeks, and although about 10% were rejected
by the Canadian doctors in Riga, and had to go to Lechfeld in Ger-
many, a total of 2,759 left Russia by the end of the year.

Early in 1924 Klassen and FToese were told that the
authorities would no longer accept group lists, only individual ap-
plications would be processed. It seemed that as soon as one
obstacle was removed the authorities would come up with a new
one to takes its place. But the men at the Menno Center were
undaunted.

In February CF took in individual applications for 550
families from eastern Russia and all were approved. On March
20 Klassen and Janz negotiated successfully with the Foreign
Commissariat for the Canadian doctors to come into the country
to do their screening. This was a great step forward and would
speed up the flow of emigrants. At this point some internal ten-
sions arose that threatened to hold up the work. The Verb and,’
meeting in the south, decided unilaterally that no Mennonites
from elsewhere in Russia should be allowed to leave until 10,000
from the Ukraine had emigrated. Fortunately Janz was in Mos-
cow at the time, and in a meeting with the AMLV executive a com-
promise was agreed upon whereby, for every six leaving from the
Ukraine, four from elsewhere in Russia could leave.

In June CF presented 1,284 individual applications from
New Samara, Millerovo, and the Kuban, but suddenly the door in
Canada seemed to close. It wasn’t until August 20, 1924 that
they finally received the good news that the CPR would receive
1,000 more credit passengers, and any number of paying ones.
It wasn’t until October that this group finally sailed for Canada.

The Klassen Family Leaves

Among them were two of CFs brothers. Franz and Jacob.
Franz was next in line to Cornelius. He was twenty-eight, mar-
ried to Katja Voth and had a little daughter, Elvera. He was an
elementary school teacher and felt the prospects in Russia were

68

not good. Jacob was single and musical and hoped to do some
further studying in Canada. Altogether 5.048 Mennonites left
Russia during 1924.

The rest of his family, too. began to think seriously of
emigrating. Their store had been seized by the authorities right
after the revolution and was never returned to them. They were
in disrepute and were constantly being questioned, and being
pressured for more food and supplies for bandits and soldiers.
They just barely survived the famine, living for months on red
beets— prepared in every conceivable way. If the AMR supplies
had not come when they did, they might not have made it. New
Samara had been one of the first colonies to receive help.

In those difficult years their brother Peter, who was some-
what of a patriot and more nominal about his faith, enlisted with
the White Army and at the age of twenty-one was reported to have
died of typhus somewhere out on the eastern front. This was a
real blow to the whole family and caused much heart searching.
Then during the winter, Gerhard, twenty-five, who had also been
with the White Army despite his father’s exhortations, came down
with tuberculosis. He was at home for a time convalescing but
when his condition degenerated Cornelius took him to a hospital
in Moscow where he would receive better treatment. He died
there a few months later. Cornelius was able to visit him
repeatedly and on his last visit was asked by Gerhard to sing his
favorite hymn, "Harre metne Seele" (Wait on the Lord, O my soul).
Cornelius said later this was one of the harder experiences of
those years. Cornelius had always had a deep appreciation for
family and therefore took these experiences very seriously.
During the tumultuous years of the Revolution he probably felt
deprived of family closeness and intimacy. In the midst of all the
unrest and stress, in 1923, their father had also had a stroke and
died in January 1924 at the age of fifty- four. Cornelius was able
to make the trip back to Donskoj for the funeral, and then brought
his seven year old sister Elfrieda, the youngest in the family, back
to Moscow with him for a little vacation. Even in the midst of
tribulation and sorrow there were times of Joy and relief. As it
turned out, Elfrieda met Mary (who later would become CF’s wife)
on this visit and was the only member of the family that did while
they were still in Russia.

69

With Franz, Katja and Jacob already in Canada the
remainder of the family also began to plan seriously to emigrate.
In the spring of 1925 permission was granted. Cornelius even
received permission to escort them as far as Southampton in
England— all eight of them; his mother Justina who was fifty, and
seven siblings; Henry, twenty-four, Justina, nineteen, John,
seventeen, Nick, fifteen, Alex, fourteen, Agatha, ten, and Elfrieda,
eight. On arriving in Canada in October 1925 they settled in Win-
nipeg.

Cornelius returned to Moscow with mixed feelings. He loved
his family and really felt they were doing the best thing in head-
ing for a new land of freedom. But he never wavered regarding
his own duty: he must return and do what he could to help his
struggling brethren who were staying in Russia. Back at the
Menno Center he threw himself again into the work at hand. The
first issue of Der praktische Landwirt had appeared in May so
there were reports to be written and articles to be solicited.

The work of the AMLV was growing rapidly, but always in
the face of new obstacles that needed to be overcome. There were
also an increasing number of representations that had to be made
to the authorities to encourage them to grant passes for Men-
nonites wanting to emigrate to Canada. To get rid of excess
population seemed to be to the country’s advantage to begin with,
but after a time the authorities began to resist the urge for more
to leave. They did not want to allow this drain of manpower. On
the other hand, as more and more Mennonite farmers were being
uprooted from their holdings, they were reluctant to try to start
over again. Although reports from the Canadian frontier weren't
that glowing, at least the old freedoms they had known were
respected there.

Not long after Cornelius returned to Moscow from
Southampton, Peter Froese and Daria, his Russian wife, and their
three children; Nora six, Erwin four, and Cornelia, (named after
Cornelius), one, returned from a silver wedding celebration in
Prochladnaja, a Mennonite village in the Kuban settlement. It
was the silver wedding of Jacob and Emilie Reimer, a grandson
of the Cornelius Reimer who was one of the original founders of
the colony back in 1863. Mrs. Froese was a pious woman and al-
though she only spoke Russian, she, with her three children, had

70

spent a pleasant summer among the Mennonites. Peter com-
bined picking them up with the occasion of the silver wedding of
his friends. When it was arranged that Anna, a twenty-two year
old daughter of the Reimers, would come to Moscow for a year to
help take care of the children and to tutor them in German, the
Froeses were delighted. Anna’s nine months (September 1925 to
June 1926) at the Menno Center give an interesting insight into
some of the details of Cornelius’ life at the time. (Anna Reimer
Dyck, Anna’ from the Caucasus to Canada, MB Publishing House,
Hillsboro KS, 1979)

Not long after arriving Anna reports.

At night, when all the children had been put to bed, the adults
gathered around the Froese’ tea table. In addition to the Froeses,
the group included Peter’s brother Vanya, his nephew Andrew
Friesen, CF Klassen, usually Alvin Miller the director of AMR, and
myself. These evenings were very relaxed, pleasant times. AD of
us gathered around the cheerfully humming samovar, and dis-
cussed current developments in our troubled world. We knew well
enough that the work of the Menno Center was dangerous, but we
encouraged and strengthened each other. Our meetings often
lasted until midnight (Dyck 97).

On one occasion during her stay at the Menno Center Cor-
nelius informed her quietly that there would be a meeting of
young Christian men called ‘Stundisten’ in his room later that
night. They arrived in ones and twos, about twenty- five in all,
during the course of the evening. AU she could hear from the
room next door was some quiet singing and talking. The meeting
broke up around midnight and they left again in smaller num-
bers so as not to attract attention. Who were these ‘Stundisten?

Stundism is the form that German Pietism (which went back
to the 18th century) took in 19th century Russia. They got the
name from one of the German leaders who introduced the idea of
meeting for one hour ( Stunde in German) of Bible study and
prayer. Their emphasis was personal piety and devotion and a
life of good works and mission. The Jacob Kroeker whose preach-
ing in Lugowsk has already been mentioned, left Russia in 1910
and in 19 18 founded the mission Licht im Osten (Light in the East)
in Wemigerode am Harz where he also ran a Bible school to train
Russian preachers that identified with this movement. CF took

71

a real interest in these Russian evangelicals, read their literature,
and went out of his way to meet with them. Peter Froese’s Rus-
sian wife had come out of this circle. According to Anna Reimer,
this was the last meeting of its kind at the Menno Center, and be-
cause most of those who attended were never seen again, they
concluded that some of them must have fallen into the hands of
the secret police.

A Mennonite church met in Moscow during these years.
Anna Dyck says.

To get there we first had to walk through a long dark pas-
sageway, then around a comer, and finally we were at the room. I
never went there alone for I felt too uncertain about the surround-
ings. Later I learned that the room had been selected because the
spies would be unlikely to find it. The actual meeting room was a
basement and had no windows. A little choir sang at The meetings
and on a few occasions Alvin Miller sang a solo. The pastor was a
Rev. Scholtje, who was of French background but had married a
Mennonite. The services were normally conducted in German.

In February 1926 B.B. Janz felt he had no other choice than
to resign as chairman of the Ver band and make plans to emigrate
himself. There was increasing pressure on him from the
authorities and especially from the secret police. There is little
question that Janz saw more clearly than any other leader the
fact that there was no real future for the Mennonites in Russia.
He was uncompromisingly dedicated to exodus and thousands
became very grateful to him for his vision and dogged persistence.
In April 1926 while CF was negotiating with the authorities for
Dr. Drury of the Canadian Immigration Commission to travel for
three weeks through Slavgorod and Orenburg and then three
weeks in the Ukraine, B.B. Janz was arranging for his own secre-
tive departure. May 3 he left Kharkov and June 4 crossed over
at Sebezh to freedom. A few days after his departure the secret
police were looking for him. As it turned out, more Mennonites
left Russia in 1926 than in any other year— 5,940 in all. The fol-
lowing year it was already reduced to a mere 847.

72

Cornelius and Mary

But for Cornelius there were still eventful days ahead in Rus-
sia. It was during these years that he got to know Mary Brieger,
who worked for American Mennonite Relief as Alvin Miller's
secretary. The more he saw of her, the more impressed he was
with the beauty of her character. Who was this charming woman
and where did she come from?

Mary was of Baltic German descent and grew up in a
Lutheran family in Riga, Latvia. Her parents were Louis and
Clara Brieger who lived on a large estate that was a part of the
family inheritance. Most of the Germans in Latvia were descen-
dants of the Teutonic Knights who moved eastward from Ger-
many in the late Middle Ages into less populated areas taking over
large tracts of land and bringing their civilization with them. One
of them was from the city of Brieg in eastern Germany, and these
people from Brieg (Von Brieg) became known as the Briegers.

Mary was the middle of three girls, Irmgard being older and
Erika younger. They attended a private German school for girls
(Fraeulein Adelheid von Wierehn’s Tochterschule hoechster
Ordnung) where religious instruction according to the Lutheran
tradition was part of the curriculum. Mary knew the Lutheran
catechism by memory and often quoted sections of it in later life.
She was a very able student blessed with an exceptional memory.
She knew whole dramas of Schiller by memory as well as
hundreds of poems— mostly in German and Russian, and even a
few simpler ones in French and English. Later in Canada she en-
joyed meeting and quoting poetry with men like C.C. Peters (father
of Frank C. Peters, late president ofWilfid Laurier University) who
had a similar gift for poetry. To begin with, the main language of
instruction was German, with Russian, French and English
taught as foreign languages; but in her last few years of school
the Czar's policy of Russification forced the school to adopt Rus-
sian as the first langauge of instruction. This meant that she be-
came very familiar with the great Russian authors, and it also
meant that she had no trouble communicating when she got to
St Petersburg and Moscow.

73

It was quite evident already in her early years that Mary had
a hunger for God and a sensitivity to spiritual things. She wasn’t
normally tearful, but when the story of the crucifixion was being
read she confessed she was moved to tears. The injustice of it
and the innocent suffering moved her deeply. She had a humble
heart and, although she grew up in a privileged context, in later
life she was quick to identify with the lowly and underprivileged
and lived a life of modesty and simplicity with conviction.

After her graduation she worked in Riga for the British ship-
ping firm Malcolms, being put in charge of foreign correspon-
dence. She picked up the skills quickfy and became a proficient
secretary, being transferred during the War to St. Petersburg and
later to Moscow. She was in St. Petersburg during the chaotic
days of the Revolution, and it was here that she met and fell in
love with a Mennonite music student, who had come up to the
big city from the Crimea. He was a gifted musician and charm-
ing young man, and when she visited his family and the Men-
nonite community in the Crimea she was so impressed with the
sincerity and piety of these people that she resolved to become
one of them. They were married soon afterward, but she found
out to her great regret that under his charm and behind his musi-
cal talent was a weakness of character that, after they had moved
to Moscow, manifested itself in an instability that made him an
unreliable provider and, finally, an unfaithful husband. It was
not too long after their first child was bom that it became evident
that he was seeing other women, one of whom, a Russian girl,
was also carrying his child. It was at this point that he disap-
peared out of her life.

Through her acquaintance with the Mennonites, Mary had
begun work as Alvin Miller's secretary and it was in this position
that Cornelius had come to know her. The better he got to know
her the more clearly he recognized in her a depth and beauty of
character that impressed him deeply. In his eyes she had been
betrayed and abandoned by one of his own people. His heart was
touched with compassion for her. Could it be God’s will that he
should take her and her child unto himself and thereby help give
her a new beginning? He wrestled with this question for some
time and sought the Lord about it. He also counselled with his
friend Peter Froese. It was a difficult decision and would be a cost-

74

ly one. Difficult because of her previous marriage, but also be-
cause she had not yet had the opportunity to enter into a full un-
derstanding and experience of believers* baptism, which would
make her acceptable in MB circles. Her faith was genuine and
she participated actively in the prayer sessions at the Menno
Center.

The question of their relationship came to a head in the sum-
mer of 1926. His whole family had emigrated to Canada the year
before so they weren’t in the picture at this time. Alvin Miller and
all the AMR personnel had also left Russia by this time. During
the past twelve years he had had very little contact with the MB
church in Lugowswk of which he was a member. In functional
terms, his church was the people with whom his life had become
intertwined at the Menno Center, and they knew him and Mary
very well.

When he finally broached the subject of marriage with Maty,
she was very reluctant. She knew the respect he had earned in
the Mennonite brotherhood for his dedicated work and spiritual
integrity. She feared what the people would say and what this
could mean to his reputation. The more she had come to know
him the more she respected his strength of character and his com-
mitment to his work and to his people and to his God. But at last
she too was convinced in her heart that this was the right step
and that she should not hold back any longer.

It was on September 11, 1926 In the Menno Center, where
they had both worked for a number of years, that Cornelius and
Mary were married. Rev. Herman Riesen from Old Samara, a close
friend and associate in the work of the AMLV and preacher among
the ‘churchly* Mennonites, delivered the sermon, basing his
remarks on the words of Jacob in Genesis 35:3 , tT ..then let us
arise and go to Bethel, that I may make there an altar to the God
who answered me in the day of my distress and has been with
me wherever I have gone." It was a word from the Lord. They were
both conscious that in their distress God had heard their cry and
had been with them wherever they had gone.

It was Rev. Johannes Klassen from the MB church in Old
Samara who performed the marriage ceremony. His text was
taken from Lamentations 3: 19-24:

"Remember my affliction and my bitterness.

75

the wormwood and the gallt
My soul continually thinks of It
and is bowed down within me.

But this 1 call to mind
and therefore have hope:

The steadfast love of the Lord never ceases,

His mercies never come to an end,
they are new every morning;
great is Thy faithfulness.

"The Lord is my portion," says my soul,

"therefore 1 will hope In Him.”

The first two verses expressed just how Mary felt: her un-
wise first marriage had brought ‘affliction and bitterness,’ and
how true the words, that she ‘continually thought of it,’ and was
consequently howed down within her.’ Their only hope was that
the steadfast love and mercy of the Lord would never come to an
end— that it would also cover them.

Whoever was at the Menno Center on September 11, 1926
was a part of the wedding company. One of those was John B.
Toews, a nineteen-year-old student from Alexandertal in the Uk-
raine, who was there with his sister, on their flight from Russia
to America. He would later become a good friend of the couple in
Winnipeg in the mid-forties, when OF was on the Board of the
Mennonlte Brethren Bible College and John B. Toews was its
president. Reflecting on the union many years later, he observed
that Mary was undoubtedly God’s chosen helpmeet for CF. Her
unique giftedness equipped her to serve by his side as no other
woman could have.

Cornelius himself realized that there might be family and
friends who thought he was making a mistake and he would have
to be willing to suffer this patiently. Some might never forgive him
and could hold it against him in years to come. Realizing there
was no easy solution and not wanting to be a problem to them he
wrote to the pastor of the MB church in Lugowsk asking to
withdraw his membership, which they did. Before he left Russia
there was renewed communication, and in 1929 after his arrival
in Canada, he received a warm letter from the church through
Bernhard Bargen, the pastor, saying they had met and unani-

76

mously extended to him once more the right hand of fellowship*

Growing Government Pressure

As for now, the newly married couple moved into the Menno
Center where the work continued on under mounting pressure,
In 1926 the Verband in the Ukraine was dissolved* The govern-
ment would no longer tolerate their aggressive involvement in the
emigration movement* December 1926 was also the last time that
the authorities allowed Der praktische Landwirt to be published.
The dark night of oppression was descending upon them.

In February 1927 the delegates to the fourth and final Con-
gress of the AMLV gathered In Moscow* It was becoming increas-
ingly clear that total conformity to the Communist system was
expected of everyone. The period of toleration after the drought
and famine was an emergency measure, an exception, Mennonite
colonies were viewed as an echo from the capitalist past, and an
affront to a system where the state is god.

The pressure from the Bolsheviks was increasing, CF reports
that they

Imported communists from Germany, Austria and the border
states * . . who knew neither Russian conditions, nor the Men-
nonites, They were sent to the German colonies from Moscow with
orders to strengthen the revolution in the colonies," As their hate
towards the Men non it es increased, their undermining work was
stepped up until the inevitable happened* In the summer of 1 928
the AMLV was finally dissolved by the Party, A Russian economist
known to them, confidentially shared the reasons why this action
was necessitated: 1) The AMLV has throughout its existence
nourished the illusion among the Mennonites that they had a right
to their own economic co-operatives and separatists development.

2) Hie AMLV has always been a handicap in the program of sovietiz-
ing the Mennonite colonies, 3) From the point or view of Soviet
policy It had been a mistake for the central government to authorize
the establishment of the AMLV, thereby promoting a Mennonite
separatism which was intolerable (MQR 77),

In view of the Bolshevik policy towards nationalities in Rus-
sia CF writes,

This statement was clear and only confirmed what we had

77

long known. We had long seen through the entire tissue of lies
which had been woven around the famous ‘liberal’ policy of Bol-
shevism toward nationalities in Russia. We were not to be allowed
to have a free economic adminstration and not a free development
of our cultural thrust. They wanted to transform us into the same
proletarians with neither religion nor nationality, just as they had
already done with the numerous racial minorities and are still
doing today, and now, in order to accomplish their criminal work
in our colonies as well, our organization had to be extirpated (MQR
77).

The profound disappointment this action caused CF is
summed up in his words.

We attempted with all the means which were at our command
to conserve the good which our fathers had handed down to us and
to create new values... All that had been accomplished by the years
of exertion and sacrifice which our local organizations had made,
all the result of the sacrificial labor in which the leaders constant-

S r risked their freedom and very often also their lives, was now
estroyed (MQR 77).

It was during this time of uncertainy that Walfried was born
on June 27, 1927. Ayear later during the spring and summer of
1928 Mary was feeling more and more strongly that there was no
real future for them as a family in Russia. To begin with Cornelius
would not hear of this. But Stalin's grip on the country was being
consolidated and his rantings against the ‘kulaks’ (middle class
farmers) were becoming more and more ominous. It was obvious
that about 90% of all Mennonites in Russia fit that category. Mary
continued to prevail upon Cornelius to at least apply for emigra-
tion passes— which he finally did because he felt there was no
real possibility that they would be granted. As far as he was con-
cerned his loyalty was to his brethren in Russia, and there was
still much work that would have to be done.

In her heart Mary felt the net of evil closing in on them, so
she kept going to the authorities herself, insisting that they
process the passes. To their amazement in mid-September, 1928
a minor official obliged, and on the following day Mary was there
to pick them up. Cornelius, too, was surprised and was finally
prepared to take it as a sign from the Lord that they should, for
the time being, leave. But it wasn’t easy. Peter Froese was closer
to him than a brother, and there were so many others with whom

78

they had worked together always hoping against hope that things
would change for the better. But on September 24, 1928 they
boarded a train for Riga— Cornelius and Mary and their two sons;
Harold, four, and Walfried, fifteen months. The fact that Mary was
three months pregnant at this time contributed no doubt to her
sense of urgency to leave and to find a safer haven.

At the border they were thoroughly searched, even to the
point of tearing into the linings of their coats and between the
soles of their shoes. Their money, much more than the authorities
would have permitted them to take, was in Mary’s bag. In it was
also a container of salt that had spilled. The official put in his
hand and when he felt the salt he cursed and cleared them. Great-
ly relieved, yet heavy-hearted, they travelled on to Riga. There
they were able to meet Mary’s two sisters, Irmgard, who had mar-
ried Peter Sadikov, and Erika, who had married Alexander
Kariton, They agreed to leave their two boys with the Sadikovs,
who also had two children; Sarozha and Wera, while Cornelius
and Mary visited some of their friends in Germany and Holland.

In Germany they met their dear friend Benjamin Unruh in
Karlsruhe. When he left Russia in January 1920 with the Study
Commission to solicit help for his suffering brethren he had al-
ways assumed that he would finally be returning to Russia. But
it was not to be. From Germany he had represented their cause
very actively, His greatest contribution was yet to come, however,
in connection with the last groups that came out in 1929 and
1930. It was a great joy for Cornelius and Mary to meet the Un-
ruhs and other leading brethren among the European Men-
nonites in Germany, Switzerland and Holland.

After collecting their children back in Riga, they crossed the
channel to England and on November 30, 1928 they left Liver-
pool on the Canadian Pacific Steam ship ‘Duchess of Atholl.’ They
arrived in St. John. New Brunswick on the eighth of December
and arrived in Winnipeg by train on the tenth of December—
where they were warmly received by his mother and brothers and
sisters.

Cornelius and Mary were deeply saddened when they found
out that, soon after they left Moscow, Peter Froese was arrested
and banished to Siberia for ten years of slave labor. What would
the next years hold for each of them? Would they ever meet again?

79

H. CANADA
1929-1945

Prologue

As he faced the challenges of new life In a new land with his
young family, CF’s heart was often painfully drawn back to the
plight of friends and loved ones in troubled Russia. The hand of
Providence had led him out at a crucial moment— of that there
could be no doubt, and he was deeply thankful. He could also be
grateful for the vessel God had used to expedite the decision just
at the critical time, his dear wife. Yet his heart was tom for the
suffering of his co-worker Froese, and the countless others who
would be less fortunate in their attempts to flee Russia in the en-
suing years. Thus, though his positive nature drew him im-
mediately into wholehearted efforts to make a life in Canada, he
would never forget the brothers and sisters he had left behind.
Their pain and suffering would haunt him throughout the years
as he prayed and waited for further opportunity to help them.
And though he had important tasks before him in Canada, this

80

became one of the motifs of his life later recognized by Orie Miller
as one of CFs driving passions: "the anticipation of returning to
Russia one day to minister to the brethren there."

But for now there were more pressing tasks; the settlement
of his family in Winnipeg, the building of working relationships
with key Mennonite figures in Canada and the wider Mennonite
brotherhood, the challenge of the war years and the support of
the non-resistant status of Mennonites. And on the horizon a task
that consumed much of his time and energy from 1930 until his
return to Europe in 1946— the collection of the travel debt to the
CPR incurred by his fellow refugees.

81

Chapter 6

NEW BEGINNINGS

"He brought them to their desired haven ..." (Psalm
107 : 30 ).

As CF and his young family were traveling by train from St.
John, New Brunswick to Winnipeg, Manitoba there were many
questions on his heart. How would his family receive his wife,
whom they had never met and who was not of Mennonite back-
ground? How difficult would he and Mary find the learning of a
new language? German and Russian they knew, but English was
completely strange to them. Mary had some exposure to the writ-
ten language at her girls’ high school in Riga and through herjob
as secretary in charge of foreign correspondence, but that would
be of little help when it came to the challenge of going shopping
and communicating with neighbors and teachers. What kind of
work would Cornelius find? His studies in Russia had been in-
terrupted by the War and Revolution, and were then put on hold
by his assignment in Moscow at the Menno center. His original
plan to study medicine had by now faded. In fact, his involvement
in the AMLV had turned his interests to agricultural economics—
which would be of great help in serving his Russian brethren
should they ever be able to return. He even wrote in 1929 to a
young Mennonite friend in Germany, Richard Hertzler, inquiring
about pursuing these studies in Germany. In the meanwhile he
had to support a wife and two young children with a third on the
way. Fortunately they had been able to ‘smuggle’ out sufficient
funds to pay their fare and provide for their basic needs for as

82

much as a year— but what then?

life in Winnipeg

The train Journey to Winnipeg took two days and two nights,
and as they came closer he became quite excited. He loved his
mother dearly and had last seen her and his brothers and sisters
in the fall of 1925 In Southampton, England. Letters to Moscow
had been few and far between so he had little knowledge of how
they were making out in their new homeland.

In the meanwhile the family had received notice of the time
of their arrival and, not having an automobile, they rented one to
go and meet their big brother and his wife and sons and bring
them home. Unfortunately, mother, who had been sickly for some
time, was not well enough to join the others in going to the sta-
tion.

When CF and Mary with Harold and little Walfried stepped
out onto the platform there was great rejoicing— but Cornelius’
first question was "Where is mother?" As soon as their many
pieces of baggage were collected, they crammed Into the car and
headed south on Main Street to Portage Avenue and on to Donald
Street. What a Joyful reunion with his mother and how proud he
was to introduce Mary and his two boys!

The home on Donald Street was in one of the older residen-
tial areas of central Winnipeg close to the big Eaton’s and
Hudson’s Bay stores. The house they were renting was a large
one and housed most of the family. Franz and Kalja and their two
girls Elvera and Nora were living near Steinbach, Manitoba where
Franz was teaching elementary school. Jacob had been studying
Music and Art at the Mennonite College in Bluffton, Ohio and was
now teaching public school in Roblin, Manitoba. All the rest were
living on Donald Street.

Henry, now twenty-eight, had married Kaetie Th lessen the
year before in Rosthern, Saskatchewan. She was the daughter of
CF's good friend, Franz C. Thiessen, the teacher from
Davelekanovo who had also been active in the AMLV. They had
two rooms on the second floor, and a little kitchenette in the
hallway. One of their rooms they were renting out to an Arthur

83

Unruh— son of the first MB missionaries to India. Justina, now
twenty-two, was employed as a seamstress at Eaton’s, working
for $5.00 per week. John, twenty, had apprenticed with the Win-
nipeg Electric Company as a machinist, but was presently un-
employed. He was particularly helpful to Mary in helping to get
them settled. Nick was eighteen and was just finishing off at Kel-
vin High School where he had enjoyed his courses in drafting and
art. He would later find employment at Hudsons Bay Co. design-
ing and making window displays. Alec was sixteen and still at
Kelvin High School. On graduating he found employment at Pigg-
ly Wiggly, a grocery chain store, working for one dollar a day!
Agatha was fourteen and still in junior high school, and Elfrieda,
eleven, was completing elementary school. So the transition to
Canadian society had been made and they looked like a well-ad-
justed new immigrant family. But one further adjustment had to
be made: Cornelius was the oldest son and he would now take
his place beside his mother at the head of the family.

Two rooms on the main floor had been vacated for Cornelius
and Mary and their boys. The house was crowded but they were
a happy family and quite content to make the best of their situa-
tion. Having arrived just before Christmas, the first big family
event was the Christmas celebration. On Christmas Eve they all
made their way to the little MB mission church on Lilly Street
where the service was carried on very much along the lines that
they were used to in New Samara. After the service they returned
to the house for the family celebration. Cornelius read the
Christmas story and prayed and then some of the verses the
younger ones had learned through their Sunday school classes
were shared. Finally the presents were distributed. They were
modest ones but the joy was genuine and deep. What a great
privilege to be together as a family in a land of freedom. They
couldn’t help but remember in prayer their dear friends still under
the communist yoke. At the church they had met other friends of
theirs from Russia, like Cornelius A. and Elizabeth DeFehr and
their sons. The North End MB church on College Avenue was al-
ready functioning under the leadership of C.N. Hiebert, but at
this point it was too far away for them to attend.

In March there was great excitement in the Donald Street
household. Mary gave birth to her third son, whom they named

84

Herbert, and Kaetie gave birth to her first, whom they called
Frank, Herbert was named after Herbert Hoover who had been in
charge of the American Relief Administration that had been such
a blessing to many of the Russian Mennonites In the hard twen-
ties. In 1928 he was elected Republican president of the USA. CF
wrote to him thanking him for his part in bringing relief to his
Mennonite brotherhood, and received a kind reply. CF was not
as pleased with his successor, president Roosevelt, who later at
Potsdam and Yalta, allowed himself to be taken in by Stalin— at
least in CF's eyes. With three children Cornelius felt that Mary
needed help, so in typical European style, a Russian Mennonite
girl was hired to live in and assist her.

Deputation Trip

During the spring and summer Cornelius was in contact
with the leader of the Mennonite Board of Colonization, the man
always referred to in German as Aeltester David Toews. Aeltester
was used by mainline Mennonites in Russia and by the General
Conference Mennonites of America as a term of respect for senior
church leaders and although it has sometimes been translated
as ‘bishop’ probably ‘elder’ is more accurate. CF was deeply im-
pressed with Toews and looked up to him as a true elder brother
and leader in the faith. CF was also in touch with Rev. P.C.
Hiebert, the chairman of the MCC in the United States, who lived
in Hillsboro Kansas, an MB center. CF became a close friend of
both of these men, and as we shall see his destiny was to dovetail
with them and their organizations, first the ‘Board’ and then the
MCC.

As a result of his acquaintance with Toews and Hiebert he
was to be sent on a deputation assignment through the Russian
Mennonite communities of the United States and western
Canada. Many of these people he saw last in their colonies in Rus-
sia during the famine or at the Menno center where he was
negotiating for their exit visas. What a joy it was to see them again
and to see their farms and their churches. Marry were still In very
primitive circumstances but at least they were free and full of
hope. This journey lasted from August to November and provided

85

him a wonderful introduction to the North American Mennonite
brotherhood.

One of his joys early in the journey was to be reunited with
Professor Alvin Miller in Kalona, Iowa, where he was now teach-
ing. Miller was eager to hear what had transpired in Russia since
he left in 1926. In Hillsboro P.C. Hiebert took him around in a
model A Ford to visit the different farms and churches. Hiebert
was a descendant of the MBs who had come from Russia during
the 1870s and 80s, the first wave. From Kansas OF travelled by
train to visit communities in Nebraska and then on to California
where there were large centers in Reedley, Dinuba and
Bakersfield, From there he took a train up to British Columbia
where the first beginnings were being made in the Yarrow area
under the leadership of his old friend Gerhard Doerksen. In Coal-
dale, Alberta he met his colleague and friend B.B, Janz, who was
farming and pastoring the MB church. He was also active with
David Toews on the Mennonite Board of Colonization. In Ros-
them, Saskatchewan it was Elder David Toews who took him
around to visit the different farms and churches. From there it
was back to Winnipeg where his family anxiously awaited him.

It was while on this journey that the Stock Market crash
happened on Wall Street in New York on October 24, 1929, It
made big news and was picked up on their wireless sets and then
in their Mennonite newspapers Der Bote and Die Rundschau. But
nobody dreamt how far-reaching the consequences would be and
how it would play into one of the greatest depressions ever to hit
the western world. Low prices for farm products would combine
with low wages and with drought and crop failures. The tough
twenties for these new immigrants would turn into the grim thir-
ties.

It was a week later, on October 30, 1929, that the Canadian
government suddenly, because of electioneering and a change in
governing parties, closed the doors to Russian Mennonite im-
migrants. Because 1,019 Mennonites had already emigrated to
Canada during 1929, other thousands flocked into Moscow
hoping as well to receive permission to leave. But the Communists
were finally digging in their heels, and although about 2,500 final-
ly got to Brazil and another 1,500 to Paraguay, about twelve
thousand were refused permission to leave and were forcibly ex-

86

lied to Siberia where many of them perished. Elder Toews was
trying through the Board to put pressure on the Canadian govern-
ment to intervene and Benjamin Unruh was doing his utmost
from Karlsruhe in Germany, but their efforts were largely
frustrated. It hurt Cornelius deeply because he knew what they
were going through in Moscow and what this meant for their fu-
ture and that of their relatives and friends still in the colonies.

For this little family of five their first year in Canada had
been an eventful one. and at their Christmas celebration 1929
great gratitude rose to God for all His kindness and mercy to them
in their new land of refuge. The whole household on Donald Street
was still together as they closed the chapter of the twenties. In
one decade they had seen their whole world in Russia crumble
and a new one begin to emerge for them in Canada. As they looked
toward the thirties, few realized the new hardships and challen-
ges that lay ahead.

87

Chapter 7

‘REISESCHULD’
THE TRAVEL DEBT

" Owe no man anything hut to love one another"

(Romans 13:8).

Early in the New Year David Toews offered Cornelius three
months work as assistant bookkeeper and cashier for the
Canadian Mennonlte Board of Colonization— known among Men-
nonites as the Board/ He was happy to accept since he needed
work and this would keep him in close touch with his Mennonite
people. It was also the kind of work in which Mary could assist
him. She was an excellent secretary and bookkeeper and would
be able to hold the fort while he was on the road. Writing to Toews
in April he mentioned that his three year old clung very close to
him for fear that his father would be leaving again. He also men-
tioned that they were looking for their own house to rent. Since
Henry and Kaetie wanted to move as well , it was decided that they
should give up the Donald Street house. Mother Klassen with her
single sons and daughters moved to Arlington Street, Hemy and
Kaetie to Union Street, and Cornelius and Mary found a suitable
little house in Woodhaven, a southern suburb of Winnipeg just
beyond the City Park.

Mennonite World Relief Conference

During that spring and summer plans were being made that

88

Cornelius should accompany David Toews as Canadian repre-
sentatives to the second Mennonite World Conference, which was
being called earlier than planned because of the crisis in Moscow.
It was to convene in Danzig, West Prussia, from August 30 to Sep-
tember 3 and was to be called a Mennonite World Relief Con-
ference. Cornelius was eager to go for the sake of his suffering
brothers in Russia. He would be that much closer and as a united
body maybe something more could be done for them from there.

Although he regretted having to leave Mary and the three
children, he was delighted to go with Elder David Toews— and
they left by train from the same station he had arrived at eighteen
months ago. In Quebec before boarding their ship they agreed to
put together an 'Appeal to the Mennonite Brotherhood in North
America' asking them to pray God’s blessing on the work of the
World Relief Conference. They felt their own helplessness and
knew they must cry unitedly to God for his help. The ship took
them to Southampton from where they crossed the channel and
caught a train to Danzig.

The first Mennonite World Conference had convened in Swit-
zerland in 1925, called together by the two German Mennonite
leaders and historians Christian Neff and Christian Hege. The
main theme of that gathering had been gratefulness to God for
his hand upon their little flock for 400 years. There was some
awareness at that time of the plight of their brotherhood in Rus-
sia but the enormity of it had not yet sunk in. This changed in
1929 when 5,700 of their persecuted brethren were able to cross
over the border into Germany. Relief committees and organiza-
tions sprang up and heroic efforts were made to help them on
their way through to South America. In April 1930 repre-
sentatives of many Mennonite conferences and groups had met
in Europe and agreed that the needs of their brothers in Russia
were so desperate that a Mennonite World Relief Conference
should be called for the fall of 1930. They agreed It was their
Christian duty to respond as quickly and as fully as possible to
the tragic fate that had engulfed their brethren to the East.

It was with this sense of urgency that the delegates gathered
in Danzig on August 30. Little bits of news of Stalin’s ruthless
treatment of the Mennonite farmers kept coming through. Was
there any way that relief could be sent in. or more emigrants be

89

brought out? The hearts of these leaders from among the Men-
nonltes were closely knit together during the days of this gather-
ing. Many of them were to become close associates of CFs in the
critical years ahead. They couldn’t know that in fifteen years they
would be working together in gathering a new wave of refugees
from Russia and assisting them along the way to new homelands.

One of these men was Emil Haendiges, pastor of the Men-
nonlte church in Elbing, West Prussia, who spoke on behalf of
the Union of Mennonite Churches of the Third Reich. At this point
they were proud of their country and its leaders, and he thanked
President Hindenberg for his personal contribution of two million
marks toward the cause of relief, and the government for the six
million marks it provided to help sustain the approximately 6,000
Mennonite refugees during their stay in the refugee camps in
Hammerstein, Prenzlau and Moelln, This kindness of the German
government toward the Mennonnites is one reason why many of
them assumed that Hitler and his party could be trusted— until
the facts proved otherwise.

Johannes Foth, from Friedelsheim in the Palatinate, spoke
on behalf of the South German Mennonite Conference and the
Conference of the Mennonltes of the Palatinate and Hessen.

Elder Michael Horsch from Hellmansberg, brother-in-law to
Harold Bender and founder of Christenpjlicht (Christian’s duty] a
German Mennonite relief organization, spoke on behalf of the
Mennonite Conference of Baden-Wuertemberg- Bavaria.

It was Benjamin Unruh now residing in Germany who set
the stage for CF’s talk on "The State of our Mennonite Congrega-
tions of Russia since 1920." Although Unruh had left Russia in
1920 no one had been as active in appealing to the German
government and to Mennonltes in America for help as he was. He
also drew on the help of men like Frijhof Nanssen and Professor
Otto Auhagen who were well known champions of the cause of
refugees and the oppressed. His first talk at the Conference had
surveyed the Mennonite organizations in Germany, Switzerland
and Holland that came into being in response to the need in Rus-
sia.

Since the focus of the Conference was on the need in Rus-
sia, CFs talk was eagerly received by the delegates. In addition
to surveying the suffering and persecution in the colonies brought

90

on by the Revolution, he was able to describe for them the effects
of these times on the spiritual affairs of the colonies:

Our congregations were permitted relative freedom of activi ty
for several years after the revolution. The law forbade religious in-
struction for children it is true, and in our schools this instruction
had to be given up, but we tried as much as possible to improve
our religious services for children on Sundays and to develop
capable leaders for this work.

The teachers were required not only to give up all religious
instruction in the school, but also to give direct anti-religious in-
struction. Many teachers voluntarily gave up their schools, others
were expelled by the authorities ana were without jobs and without
food, others attempted to hold out at their posts for the sake of the
children, even under the most difficult circumstances. We can
scarcely imagine even a small part of the nerve-wracking struggles
in which they stood alone without the support of anyone, and in
spite of an inner repugnance against the entire educational policy
of the government nevertheless remained at their posts in order to
protect the children from the godless influence of their successors.
If we had realized what they were going through there would have
been much more prayer in their behalf.

The organ of the General Conference, Unser Blatt* was
published in spite of great difficulty and frequent delays due to the
censors until June, 1928, and was then suppressed. Somewhat
earlier the itinerant evangelism had been forbidden, and the
preachers had been UmitecT to their own congregations. The right
to vote was taken from the preachers and they were burdened with
various taxes which in most cases led to complete confiscation of
property. If they could not pay the Inhuman taxes they were thrown
into prison. The Bolsheviks naturally do not want to nave this pro-
cedure called a persecution of Christians, but they simply reck-
oned the preachers as ‘kulaks' and this class was to be destroyed.
What it means to a preacher to attempt to serve his congregation
under such pressure can only be understood by one who has per-
sonally experienced it, and in spite of everything we have many,
many preachers who are continuing faithfully In service, in spite
of the fact that they stand in daily danger of suffering the fate of
their colleagues who are lying in prison, or who are suffering ter-
rible things in the far north, far from their families and from their
congregations, in the forests or in the concentration camps, or who
were able to escape in time and now are wandering about, today
here and tomorrow there, in constant danger of being caught by
their pursuers. God alone knows their need and Goa alone can
help them.

The great need of our brethren in Russia has brought the

91

Mennonites of the entire world closer together. Previously we were
strangers and today we are close together (MQR 78-9).

CF’s presence at this conference gave a voice to those at this
time being persecuted for the common faith and vision shared by
all the delegates. In the face of the relative freedoms shared by
most present, it was a sobering fact for them to face that some of
their brethren still carried the torch of the martyr church.

Concluding his review of those years CF gave emotional ex-
pression to his sense of solidarity with those still remaining in
Russia:

Again in these days, as I have so often before, I let the condi-
tions oi our Mennonite communities at home in Russia since the
revolution, pass before my mind’s eye: economic disintegration,
famine, emigration, flight etc., and finally I stopped a few moments
beside the graves of our dear ones in the lonely railraod stations
along the northern railroad and in the infinite stretches of primi-
tive forests in the far north. I vision the brethren who are crowded
together there in the narrow barracks where many a mother heart
cries out to the Lord for a daughter who has been torn from her,
where hungry children ciy for Dread, and where the sick cry for
help, where thousands and thousands long for deliverance and
where no help is to be had. I vision my colleagues who are now for
over a year in prison in Moscow, who are being tortured. There are
so many thousands who are waiting in vain for help and yet we
know that the Lord cares for all and will act when the time comes
(MQR 79-80).

He concluded his speech with an expression of gratitude to
the worldwide Mennonite brotherhood, and a plea that the spirit
of shared burden-bearing would continue to bear fruit on behalf
of suffering Russian brethren:

And when I think of all the wonderful help which the Mennonites
of the entire world have rendered to their brethren in need, then I
can better understand what the Apostle Paul meant in his chal-
lenge to the Galatians ‘Let us not be weary in well-doing/ Dear
brethren, you and your churches are not yet weary, this conference
demonstrates it to us. How is that possible? Only because God has
loved us human beings with a love eternal, love which exceeds all
thought in its mercy, and exceeds all comprehension, and this con-
ference is a new demonstration of love. The Lord has given us Men-
nonites of Russia many friends... May this conference be filled with
the spirit of Christ and may its participants perform the work of
the conference, equipped with a strong faith. Let us remind our-

92

selves again that ‘no other foundation can any man lay than that
which is laid, Christ Jesus/ Only on this foundation are we able
‘to each bear his brother's burden / and that in the full sense of the
apostolic word. Let us, therefore* do all that we do* in our delibera-
tions and decisions* as before Him and under the authority of His
word. To Him* the Father* belongeth the honor, and His blessing I
wish to this conference in rich measure (MQR 80}.

Right after CF* Professor Harold S, Bender delivered his lec-
ture on "American Mennonite Relief Work in Russia." Bender him-
self was doing graduate work at this time in Anabaptist studies
at the University of Heidelberg* and since he was already in
Europe the MCC asked him to represent them at the Conference*
Bender opened his talk by mentioning that his own ances-
tors had fled the Palatinate in 1 707 and with the help of the Dutch
Mennonites were able to make their way to Pennsylvania. It was
no more than right that they should now be willing to help their
Russian brethren in their hour of need. Bender seemed very con-
scious of the fact* CF felt* that God was working by His Spirit
among the Mennonites during the War and in the post-War
period. God was seeking to awaken them in order to use them as
an instrument of His mercy. "Let’s yield ourselves fully to Him/'
he challenged the Conference. CF’s heart responded. Bender and
Klassen were kindred spirits and a friendship was formed at this
Conference that lasted throughout their lives* A hope was born
in CF’s heart at this time that at least one of his children might
be able to study Anabaptist history under Bender’s tutelage at
Goshen College— a dream fulfilled only after his death*

Bender’s five- point summary of American Mennonite relief
thrusts really inspired Cornelius. It began Jirst with the help of-
fered to the first wave of Russian Mennonite immigrants after
1873. $150*000 were raised* especially in Pennsylvania* to help
these immigrants get settled out on the western plains. The great
famine in India in 1897 became the occasion of the second ven-
ture into American Mennonite relief work* Two significant mis-
sionary enterprises* one of the (Old) Mennonites and one of the
General Conference Mennonites* came into being in India as a
result of this effort* The third piece of American Mennonite Relief
work was undertaken in post World War 1 France where the Men-
nonites cooperated with the Quakers in their great work of

93

reconstruction. The Mennonites contributed $300,000 and fifty-
six young men in this relief effort— one of whom was Alvin Miller.
The/ourt/iventure focussed on post War Asia Minor through ‘Near
East Relief.’ Twenty three young Mennonite men, including Orie
Miller, worked out of Constantinople into Greece and Turkey. The
fifth great effort was that amongst their Mennonite brothers in
Russia, and this is where CF first came on the scene.

CF was touched to recall that one of the young Mennonite
volunteers from America, Clayton Kratz, laid down his life in this
effort. He reached Halbstadt in October 1920 but was caught by
the Red Army and it is assumed was murdered by them. "Greater
love has no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his
friends."

Next Elder David Toews addressed the Conference. There
was no doubt in CF’s mind that this humble dedicated man was
one of the true patriarchs of the Mennonite brotherhood. He
began simply by saying that on one occasion he had been intro-
duced as the Mennonite with the most children— 2 1 ,000, and the
individual with the greatest debt— $2,000,000! It was in 1923 in
Montreal that he put his signature to a document promising on
behalf of his persecuted brothers in Russia that the debt they
were incurring to the CPR would be repaid. What a giant step of
faith! Some fathers will not co-sign a document for $200 for their
very own sons, yet here is a man who believed in his heart that
they were his true brothers and sisters in the faith and that he
could do no less. This faith would be severely tested in the years
to come, but like his forefather Abraham he did not waver. A bond
of loyalty was being forged at this time between Klassen and
Toews that would bring CF to the point where he considered it an
honor to shoulder this burden together with this saintly man.

The delegates were deeply moved as Toews filled in the back-
ground. The obstacles to be overcome, even before these refugees
were granted permission to come, were enormous. In 1918 an
Order in Cabinet had been proclaimed forbidding any emigration
to Canada from Russia. How could this be revoked? In July 1921
in Herbert, Saskatchewan a conference of Mennonites agreed to
send a delegation to Ottawa. Toews with four others had to wait
until the Federal Election was concluded— the election which
brought Mackenzie King and the Liberal Party into power. When

94

Toews appeared before the new Prime Minister he got a favorable
hearing, influenced no doubt by Mr. King's own personal contacts
with Mennonltes in his home riding of Prince Albert, Sas-
katchewan, Encouraged by their reception in Ottawa, the delega-
tion traveled on to Montreal to meet with Colonel Dennis, head
of the Canadian Colonization Association of the CPR. He agreed
to advance them credit for 3,000 Russian Mennonite immigrants,
should the government really revoke its Order in Council, This
did happen in short order, so the deal was on.

Meanwhile the delegation had returned to Gretna, Manitoba
and in April 1922 the ‘Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization*
was organized. The main office would be in Rosthem, Sas-
katchewan the home of David Toews. Between that time and the
time of the Conference, over 20,000 refugees had come and the
debt had risen to two million dollars, only two-fifths of which had
been paid back. The record of these new immigrants is truly
remarkable. Of the 20,000 only one was deported back to Ger-
many, and that was at his own request. Due to an amazing net-
work of caring organized by Toews none of them over the years
became a burden to the state. To accomplish this Toews kept
soliciting the brotherhood in the United States for donations of
used clothing and financial support. Even hospital fees incurred
by the new immigrants could be covered as they arose.

The Conference was deeply impressed by what Toews and
the Board had accomplished on behalf of their needy brethren.
The final message of the World Relief Conference was given by
Jakob Kroeker from Wemig erode in Germany— the Russian Men-
nonite we met earlier. He used the incident in David's life when
he was told to 1) "go to your brothers" and refresh them; 2) "see
how your brothers fare" and bring back news of them; and 3) "con-
tend for your brothers" and rescue them (1 Sam 17). Kroeker ap-
plied each of these points to the plight of their brothers in Russia
and the charge that God was laying on the hearts of those at this
historic Relief Conference.

Toews and Klassen headed home enriched by the many
friendships and encouraged by the united concern expressed by
their brothers from all across Europe and other parts of the world,
expressed for the suffering ones in Russia. Cornelius was honored
too and blessed to be able to share the whole experience in Dan-

95

zig together with David Toews.

It was to their first little home in Woodhaven that CF
returned after the Conference. He was eager to find out how his
oldest son Harold was doing in grade one at the local elementaiy
school just two blocks from their home. He spoke German and
Russian fluently but no English and the adjustment was not an
easy one. For many days on his way home from school some of
his classmates taunted him and bullied him. He was rather short
and stocky at that time and his mother could see him at a dis-
tance with his shoulders hunched and his hands in his pockets
suffering their abuse patiently. Cornelius would have been in-
clined to intervene to discipline the little ruffians, but Mary in-
quired of his sympathetic teacher, whether anything should be
done, but she wisely suggested that if he could endure it the
children would soon let up. And so it was. As his English im-
proved he soon made some good friends and enjoyed the give and
take— and proved to be an excellent student.

Collecting the debt

CF had done some itinerating for ‘the Board’ after his three
month stint as bookkeeper, but it wasn’t until October 15 that
Toews and the Board appointed him as secretary treasurer in
charge of collecting the ‘Reisesdudd.' In shouldering the burden
of its repayment with David Toews and others CF was entering
into a filial bond. He would stand with his brothers and carry out
many years of thankless work as a point of loyalty and honor. In
1946 the fruit of all his toil was rewarded when Toews received
in tears and incredulity on his death-bed, the news that the debt
had been fully repaid.

But God had deeper purposes in allowing this task to con-
sume so many years and so much energy. He was perfecting a
vessel to be used in future tasks. Characteristics like patience,
perseverance, humility and long suffering were forged in these
years. And the honoring of the debt worked a broader trust
towards the Mennonite people from government and higher of-
ficialdom. CF’s extensive travels also gave him invaluable
knowledge as to the whereabouts of the Mennonite people—

96

knowledge that would be put to use in future years in Europe.

For CF as for David Toews, repaying this great debt incurred
in being rescued out of the jaws of communism, was a matter of
conscience. It was a commitment that Mary shared with him. She
was his unpaid secretary often typing and dispatching as many
as 200 letters per month, as well as keeping the accounts straight
and doing the banking. She also had to hold the fort at home
while he criss-crossed the country from Ontario to British Colum-
bia collecting what he could where he could. Actually the network
of volunteers organized to assist in this task was truly amazing—
an example of grass roots brotherhood at work.

The administrative Board in Rosthem consisted of Toews as
chairman, D.P. Enns as secretary treasurer, and Katherine Hooge
as office secretary. Klassen would do the collecting out of his own
home in Winnipeg, since his work also put him under the
Canadian Colonization Association of the CPR in Winnipeg,
directed by T.O.F. Herzer. In each of the five provinces there were
provincial representatives of the immigrants and also district rep-
resentatives. The immigrants In the five provinces were organized
into 250 districts with each district choosing its own ‘Dis-
triktmann.' In 1928 ‘Vertrauensmaenner’ (confidants) were also
appointed, one year at a time, to assist the district leaders in ap-
praising the financial ability of every ‘Reiseschuld debtor— could
they pay or not? These were all voluntary positions held by men
who themselves had to earn a living for their families and pay off
their own debts. In their own need they were serving their
brothers and were experiencing the blessings of real brother-
hood— a network of living relationships spanning provincial and
denominational boundaries. It would not be so in better times
and that is why the Lord warned the people, through His servant
Moses:

Take heed lest you forget the Lord your God, by not keeping His
commandments ... lest, when you have eaten and are full, andnave
built goodly houses and live in them, and when your herds and
flocks multiply ... then your heart be lifted up, ana you forget the
Lord your Goa, who brought you out of the land of Egypt and out
of the house of bondage. (Deut 8:1 1-14)

The Board was financed by commissions from the CPR on

97

the pre-paid tickets of immigrants coming from Russia. This
amounted to $5,702 for the period from 1923 to 1930. Added to
this was a $3.00 levy on all immigrants between the ages of twelve
and sixty. This produced an additional $28,580 for the same
period— a total of $33,000 for seven years which works out to
about $4,700 per year, hardly enough to pay three full-time
employees as well as office rent and travel expenses! In 1930 it
was decided that another $3.00 levy should be made. These levies
were collected along with the Reiseschuld, making an already un-
pleasant task even a little more onerous. Basically the system
worked because David Toews believed in self-denial and Paul’s
principle, that if *you have food and clothing, with these you shall
be content.’ His example certainly was an inspiration to his fel-
low workers and Board members.

The chief obstacles in the collection of the ‘Reiseschuld were
negative attitudes and negligence. D.P. Enns, treasurer of the
Board from its founding until his death in 1944, summarized it
like this: "It is and remains true, that the payment of the Reises-
chuld is not only an economic problem, but most of all depend-
ent upon a spiritual attitude with respect to the willingness or
unwillingness to pay” (Epp p.289). Those who regarded the debt
as a holy obligation, whittled away at it little by little and were
surprised when the task was completed. Those looking for ex-
cuses were always able to find some and were surprised how long
the matter dragged on. Notions that the CPR was wealthy and
could wait, became the attitude of many. Some husbands without
a debt refused to honor their wife’s debt. Some children refused
to help their aging parents clear their debt. Some believed that
attendance at a Bible school was good enough reason not to have
to pay. Even some ministers of the Gospel proved to be among
the hard-core cases. Some of the difficulties CF experienced in
collecting the Reiseschuld and some of the challenges to his own
faith, are reflected in his letters to Toews and in his reports to the
Board. Here are a few examples from the early thirties:

"I have found that many of our immigrants, who have already been
in this country four, five, six or seven years, have paid very little
or nothing on their transportation debt. They don’t look upon this

98

neglect as sin. Among these are also ministers, who every Sunday
call their congregations to repentance, but who excuse themselves
pharisaically from the responsibilities of the Reiseschuld,,,,"

"C . W. . . .promised to pay $100 this week but T don't have faith
in his promises any more., .he should have an official letter that his
case is being turned over to the CPR.../'

'The first thing the district representative said to me was:
Why don’t you have a meeting In our area? I can’t silence the evil
tongues any more/ One debtor boldly Insisted, that even if he would
pay, he would send his money directly to the CPR and not to the
Board so as not to feed unnecessary office workers...,"

"An especially difficult case here is H-372, This man has paid
nothing, not even the board levy. He has six quarters of land, pur-
chaser much new inventory when the old would still have been
good enough, has fifteen horses and a car,.,."

"From Yarrow I am being informed that hop-picking begins
on August 20 and ends late September and that J should be there
if we expect to collect anything...."

"The district representative is worthless... He owes $1,600,
doesn’t pay a cent, and doesn't encourage others to pay. No one
has lifted a finger to raise the board levy..,/ 1

"A- 194 is a proud man, a former landed proprietor In Rus-
sia... considers it below his dignity to give information to the collec-
tor... his Reiseschuld is looked upon as the last of his obligations..,,

"Our most difficult case is F-64. He hasn't paid a cent yet. He
is selfish and narrow-minded. With this man my patience almost
gave out. But I retained control of myself, because I believed that
my friendly approach would win out with him in the end...."

"F-393 is not a bad man, but his wife is of a profane charac-
ter... besides she is the boss,..."

"Morden is a neglected district... There were too few young
people at the meeting and also too few women., .the role of the lat-
ter in debt collection is not to be underestimated,,.."

"D-300 hadn't come to the meeting and so he had scolded
that I had publicized his debts... when the wives hear about the
Rets^schuia and when they are persuaded about the need to pay
the debt, then the work in most of the homes is much easier.../ 1
(Epp 290-2).

The negative attitudes of some of the debtors, disturbing as

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they were, did not overshadow tn CF’s mind the sacrifices that
many made to clear their debt as soon as possible. The woman
that came after him with a kettle of boiling water and the man
who said the return of the Lord was too imminent to bother about
debts, were after all exceptions. He was deeply moved by widows
who assisted in the grain harvest, setting up stooks to pay off
their debt. There was also the classic case of a minister renting a
twelve acre farm near Calgary for $ 1 5 per month, who had one
horse, one cow, two heifers, four calves, 150 chickens, seven
turkeys and five geese. During the course of one year he paid $1.
in January, $2. in February, $3. in March and so on, which
totalled $78 in that year. At this rate he soon had his Reiseschuld
paid.

Not many were that systematic. There was also the case of
a family that arrived in 1926 and was faced with a debt of
$933.75. They began conscientiously to pay as best they could,
a little here, a little there. In 1931 when the oldest married she
was not even able to buy a coat because all her earnings had gone
toward the Reiseschuld. Their sixteen year old son earned $51
during the harvest in the summer of 1 935 and wanted to buy a
horse to complete a team of four for the family, but they agreed
it should go toward the Reiseschuld Another daughter was earn-
ing $10 a month doing house work and most of it went toward
the Reiseschuld. When she found out that there was Just $91.74
left to pay she took another $10 out of her meagre savings, and
in this way the total, which together with interest was $ 1 , 166.9 1 ,
was all paid off on October 11, 1 935. It took this family ten years .
These were the kind of situations that blessed CF’s heart, and
that he often spoke about to encourage others.

It was clear that he carried the task of the debt collection as
a solemn duty. In the present age of massive national debts and
a credit-card mentality it is perhaps hard to grasp the serious-
ness with which our forefathers viewed indebtedness. They are
to be admired for their faithfulness and determination. And CF’s
commitment to this task undoubtedly enhanced the image of this
hard-working people. As he reflected in a speech in Rosthern in
1939 he was concerned about the reputation of his people in the
eyes of the world. He had recently read Murray Gibbon’s book
The Canadian Mosaic' in which the 1892 repayment of $100,000

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by the Mennonites to the Manitoba government is mentioned,
"When the minister of the Interior announced this he said, ‘In the
entire history of our country there has been no instance of either
a group or an individual dealing more honestly with the govern-
ment than in the Instance of the Mennonites. Not a single settler
or farmer has attempted to go back on his promise" (HFK mss
46). CF adds his hope that this might again be said of the cur-
rent debt. "Will those who follow us also be in the fortunate posi-
tion of benefitting from the blessings of our fulfilled promises?”
He had learned his lesson well from his father years ago In Rus-
sia. ‘Remember that all you do reflects on me, for you bear my
name.’ He wanted the people of Menno to be a true reflection not
only of their forefather, but also of their heavenly Father who
seeks not to be a burden to any but rather to bless all men.

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Chapter 8

FAMILY MATTERS

"But seek first the kingdom of God... (Matthew 6:33).

In the spring of 1931 CF began to look for a more suitable
house to rent. With three children and a fourth on the way, the
Woodhaven house was becoming too small. It was also not a very
suitable location. The greatest concentration of their Mennonite
friends was in North End Winnipeg, so when a house turned up
in Seven Oaks they moved from the southern outskirts of Win-
nipeg to the northern outskirts. At this time they also began at-
tending the little MB church on College Avenue in the North End
that was being pastored by CN Hiebert. Many of their Russian
Mennonite friends attended this church.

On July 20, 1931 Mary went into hospital and to everyone’s
surprise non-identical twin girls were bom. The one with darker
hair was named Irmgard after Mary’s older sister, and the fairer
one was named Justina after Cornelius’ mother. Cornelius was
overjoyed and wrote an ecstatic letter to David Toews saying they
were hoping for a girl and received not one but two. Their joy was
somewhat dampened when it became clear that Justina, whom
they called Tinalie, had a stroke shortly after birth and was
paralyzed on one side. Hard days followed, but Maiy was not one
to complain. About this time she was also told that she had a
suspicious tumor in her abdomen, but she refused surgery and
testified that God had called her to an important task and that
she was trusting Him.

Healthy twins can be a real handful, but with one an invalid.

102

Mary’s days and nights were filled with work. Their good family
friend, Dr Rudolph Claassen, whom they considered as a rela-
tive, had come across with the family from Russia, and was now
a great help in these trying times. He came to the house whether
night or day and did all he could to be of help to Mary andTinalle,
Having tasted grief himself when his oldest daughter died from
inadvertently eating poisonous berries, he was able to empathize
with Mary, He was a great help too, when her third son came
down with appendicitis at the age of three and had to be rushed
in for surgeiy . These emergencies seemed to arise when Cornelius
was gone and it was a comfort to be able to call f Onkel Rudolph/

In September 1932 the family moved once more, this time
to 476 Powers Street in the North End quite close to the MB
church. While the number of Cornelius’ offspring were increas-
ing, his own brothers and sisters were leaving the family nest.
This summer his oldest sister Justina was married to Dietrich
Peters, the son of the well-known preacher Abram Peters; and his
brother Jacob married Dietrich’s sister Elly Peters, In short order
John would many Olga Perk and move to Ontario, Nick would
many Irma Delesky and eventually lead the way to British Colum-
bia, Agatha would many Emmanuel Horch the violinist, and Alec
would marry Gertie Cunningham and also move to British Colum-
bia. Because of his constant traveling Cornelius was able to ful-
fil his role as oldest brother and keep in fairly close contact with
them ail. He had, as we’ve already seen, a strong sense of family
and took a genuine interest in their welfare and that of their
children. Not all of them were walking with the Lord and this bur-
den weighed on his heart and was expressed in his prayers.

Two Deaths in the Family

The scattering of the siblings coincided with the death of
Cornelius’ mother on June 26, 1933. In writing to David Toews
the day after her death (on his son Walfried’s sixth birthday) Cor-
nelius expressed his sense of loss.

Nothing can take the place of a praying mother. She always
had an open ear for our troubles. Many heavy things lost their
severity once we had shared them with mother: and many good

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and beautiful things became even more precious after we had
shared them with hen 1 was her oldest son. After father's death she
clung closer than ever to me. She was always glad to see me on my
return from collecting trips. Many a public figure has co-workers
that others never see or hear about. This is how I felt about her.
Faithfully she remembered my work, day In and day out. How often
after being with hen did I return to my work strengthened. And all
this is now a thing of the past. She really appreciated the evening
you came and prayed with her. You quoted the stanza of a song,
"Endlich kommt Er leise, nimmt uns Dei der Hand, fuehrt uns von
der Reise, helm ins Vaterland’ (Finally God comes quietly, takes us
by the hand, and leads us from this sojourn, into His heavenly
land). I was reminded of that yesterday at 10:40 in the morning
when she passed quietly out of this life — after an intense struggle
throughout the night. All her children, seven sons and three
daughters, were present with her during the night. This was a great
comfort to her. How grateful we are that the entire family is together
here in Canada, and that she didn’t have to die somewhere alfalone
in obscurity. What a blessing that we could close her eyelids and
know that she is with the Lord.

CF also expressed his regret to Toews at not being able to be
at the Conference of Mermonites of Canada in Gnadenthal,
Manitoba, and invited Toews to the funeral which would take
place just after the close of the conference. The funeral took place
at the little MB church on College Avenue and she was buried at
the Brookside cemeteiy. This led to Nick, Agatha, and Elfiieda
moving in with Cornelius and Mary, and Alec moving in with
Franz and Katja- but this wouldn't be for long.

Little Tinalie’s condition was deteriorating and after a hard
winter she passed away in February 1934, having been with the
family for two and a half years. The funeral at the North End MB
church was a sad occasion, but it was also a great relief for the
family to know that she was released from her suffering. Despite
her handicap Tinalie had a cheerful disposition and the other
children had enjoyed wheeling her about in her ‘carriage" and
entertaining her. She was buried next to her grandmother and
namesake in the Brookside cemeteiy.

During the summer there was considerable discussion afoot
about a total reorganization of the Board. Besides the Board there
was also a Central Mennonite Immigrant Committee (ZMIK) and
a Mennonite Land Settlement Board (MLSB). The MLSB had
gradually become obsolete through the efficient work of the
Canadian Colonization Association, a branch of the CPR that was

104

run out of a Winnipeg office under the direction of T.O.F* Herzer,
a sympathetic friend of the Mennonites. The other two Boards it
was agreed should amalgamate* A plan was worked out and
presented by Toews to the MB and GC conferences in the sum-
mer of 1934* There would be an enlarged Board of twenty two
men, representing the three major Mermonite conferences,
nominated by the existing Boards. Neither Toews nor Klassen as-
sumed that they would be on the new Board. Toews would only
do it at the request of both conferences, which did take place, and
he became the chairman of the reorganized Board.

CF expressed his concerns to Toews in a confidential letter
of June 20, 1934,

Regarding my candidacy, I must confess I was at the point of
asking you to drop my name, but I have come to the conviction not
to do that* Since you have included my name let it stand* When I
consider the job at hand and the work to be done I believe it would
be better that way* This much is certain, should either conference
declare Itself negatively about my nomination (I know that in some
circles Vm considered not MB enough and in others not GC enough)

1 will take that as a sign that 1 am to withdraw. This might not be
well received by the CPR when they first hear of it, but then again,
nobody is indispensable*

As it turned out his nomination was acceptable to both con-
ferences, so his work of collecting the Reiseschuld continued on
unabated. On the new Board with him was his good friend Franz
C* Thiessen who had moved to Winnipeg from Rosthern and lived
just around the comer from them* Mary had a good friend in Mrs.
Thiessen and in the daughters Lydia, Irene and Martha* The
youngest daughter, Ruth, as we will see, would later many into
the Klassen family.

The new Board had five sub-committees: 1) Organization, 2)
Finance, 3) Settlement, 4) Relief, and 5) Culture* CF was chair-
man of the Organization Committee and the Finance Committee.
His good friend Gerhard Sawatzky from Port Rowan, Ontario was
chairman of the Settlement Committee: C.A. DeFehr of the Relief
Committee; and D.H. Epp of the Culture Committee, assisted by
J.J* Thiessen and F,C, Thiessen* The relationship between the
men on the Board was congenial and the meetings fruitful* When
the Board or its Committees met in Winnipeg, the members from

105

the other provinces often stayed overnight with the Klassens.
Mary was a warm hostess and these men of God really blessed
the household. None more so than David Toews himself, who had
a wonderful way of drawing out the hopes and aspirations of the
children. His benediction carried a spiritual authority with it and
a manifest blessing that was long remembered.

Mary’s Baptism

At the North End MB church a close bond was developing
between the Klassens and the Hieberts. C.N. Hiebert was the pas-
tor of the church and an ardent soul-winner. Mary found that
through the experience she had gone through with Tinalie the
Lord was drawing her closer to Himself. It was during one of C.N.
Hiebert’s visits that Mary experienced a spiritual deepening which
caused her to desire to affirm her faith by following the Lord in
believer’s baptism. The date was eventually set for August 4,
1935.

This was an exciting day for the whole family. The baptism
took place in the Assiniboine River on the south-western outskirts
of Winnipeg. CF drove the family there in the 1931 black Chev-
rolet, which the CCA supplied for his Reiseschuld. work. Tents
had been set up on the river bank where those being baptized
could change. Many friends besides those from the North End
church were gathered there along the river. C.N. Hiebert did the
baptizing. They waded out together and then he asked her
whether she really believed with all her heart that Jesus Christ
was her Savior and Lord. She said yes, and he immersed her, to
be ‘buried with Christ, and raised to newness of life in Him.’ She
had come a long way since her youth in the Lutheran Church in
Riga. Cornelius was deeply moved and grateful to God that Mary
was taking this step. It was an object lesson too that the children
would never forget. CF’s own baptism in the Tock River in central
Russia came vividly back to mind. That same evening there was
a meeting at the North End church at which, after the ‘breaking
of bread,’ both Cornelius and Mary were welcomed into the fel-
lowship. A good friend of the family. Rev. Jacob Epp (father of the
honorable Jake Epp MP) from Glenlea, Manitoba, preached the

106

sermon based on Matthew's account of Jesus' baptism in Mat-
thew chapter 3. Shortly after the baptism the family packed up
the Chevy and motored off to Rabbit Lake near Kenora, where a
cabin was rented for a week's holiday. Cornelius was an en-
thusiastic camper. He enjoyed swimming and boating with the
children and was great at motivating the rest to pick their bowl
of wild blueberries before breakfast. He also took a delight In get-
ting the wood stove roaring and in trying his hand in the kitchen.
This became the family's favorite vacation spot in summers to
come. On one occasion a cabin was rented at Winnipeg Beach on
Lake Manitoba. On cloudy days CF liked to pull out his stamp
collection and do some sorting together with the older children.
He was quite a collector at heart. He accumulated quite an exten-
sive coin collection as well during the course of his travels. He
was also an avid photographer taxing Mary's patience to the limit
at times. They were quite a contrast; he enjoyed collecting, and
she enjoyed giving things away. It was part of her generous na-
ture. These were depression days, and when she became aware
of a family with more mouths than food to go around, she filled
up the children's wagon with groceries and towed it to them,

Mennonite World Conference in Amsterdam

In December 1935 CF received a letter from Harold Bender
encouraging him to come to the third Mennonite World Con-
ference in Amsterdam in June. He didn't need much coaxing and
he would have loved to take Mary with him, but money was scarce
and the children were still too young to be left alone, thought
Mary. If Canada could just send one representative he was sure
it should be David Toews. Toews, however, thought it would be
wonderful if they could go together again. After further en-
couragement from conferences and friends it was agreed that they
would both go. It was a long and time-consuming journey by train
and ship but the fellowship they enjoyed and the stimulation of
the conference itself made it all worthwhile.

The focus of the Conference was on the historical roots of
the Mennonites in Holland, going all the way back to Merino
Simons' exodus out of the Roman Catholic church to become the

107

leader of the persecuted Anabaptists. Many of the same leaders
that were in Danzig in 1930 were there again representing the
history and present state of the Mennonite church in their part
of the world: van der Zijpp for Holland, Neff for Germany, Geiser
for Switzerland and France, Unruh for Russia, Bender for the
United States, and Toews for Canada. Orie Miller reported on
American Mennonite Missions and P.C. Hiebert on the MCC.

CF did a brief opening devotion on the last day of the con-
ference. It reveals his heart and we will quote it in full:

Dear brothers and sisters!

Many of us, who were able to participate in the previous World
Conference in Danzig left that assembly with an inner sense of
satisfaction and now come to this one in great anticipation of what
the Lord will do. We are conscious that God has new respon-
sibilities for us to take up, and even if we look upon the plight of
our Russian brethren as an insurmountable challenge, humanly
speaking, we are nevertheless convinced that when the Lord gives
an assignment He also grants the gifts to accomplish it. He grants
the necessary wisdom, the inspiration, and the necessary material
resources to proceed. Our Goa can accomplish great things in our
day as well!

"As a basis for the deliberations of this day we place the words
of the Psalmist in Psalm 84:6-7 ’Blessed are they whose strength
is in Thee; who follow Thee with their whole heart; who dig wells
while passing through the valley of sorrows.’

It is without doubt a great privilege to have been raised in a
Christian home; and if by the grace of God we also came to the con-
viction that of ourselves we could do no good thing, but are fully
dependent on God who revealed Himself to us in His Son, and were
able to receive the gift of eternal salvation by faith as a personal
experience, then we are indeed blessed. And if we realized that we
had to let the Lord equip us with His strength for the duties of every
day, we looked upon our work in an altogether different light. In
doing so we entered the category of people the Psalmist calls
’blessed’— for the Lord is their strength ana they can dig wells in
this valley of sorrows.

As we have heard men at this conference from different
countries present lectures reviewing our history, thankfulness has
welled up in our hearts. How significant it is that men like Menno
Simons found the Lord to be his strength, and that he was able to
dig wells in the midst of the woes of his time, wells from which we
today, four hundred years later are still drawing water. We are

108

thankful too that during the 400 years of our history God con-
tinually gave us men like this who found their strength in Him,
who followed Him and dug wells that could nourish succeeding
generations.

As I participate in a Mennonite Congress such as this and
see the many whose hair is greying— our fathers in Christ— who
today have Christ as their strength, it gives me a sense of security
for our brotherhood and for our common task.

But the Lord is calling our fathers in the faith to Himself one
after the other, and we younger ones sometimes wonder whether
the ‘sons’ will really be able to fill the positions vacated by them.
This causes me, ana many a younger brother with me, to feel some-
what anxious. Maybe those of us overseas experience this even
more than you here in the ‘old country.’ May we of the younger
generation take up the challenge in gratitude to God for our
Anabaptist fathers and mothers and for all the men of the past and
for those today who align themselves with the triune God and His
Holy Word. These things bom of His Spirit and transmitted to us
by the Lord, will not pass away quickly or lightly. Christ’s promises
are still valid. Certainly the spiritual awakenings of the past have
risen and fallen like great waves, and in our own brotherhood there
have been high points and low points, but taken as a whole we
have every reason to believe Goa has even greater things in store
for us than we have already seen. ‘Jesus Christ is the same yester-
day, today and forever.’

Our dear brother Neff brought this truth very near to our
hearts already last Sunday at the ‘Mennonitentag* in Gronau, and
I regret the fact that our entire Mennonite youth throughout the
world was not able to hear the testimony of this trusted sage and
warrior out of our ranks.

As we glance back over 400 years of history we must confess
humbly that it is not because of our strengths but rather despite
our weaknesses that we have moved forward. That is one of the
proofs that a higher power is at work transcending our shortcom-
ings. But this fact doesn’t relieve us of our responsibility. Everyone
has his part to play. For our brotherhood as a whole, it is still true,
that more hinges on the sanctification of your life and mine, on the
faithfulness of your testimony and mine, and the fervency of your
prayers and mine, and on the generosity of your giving and mine,
than we could ever have guessed.

At night on the edge of a battlefield against the dark trees a
lonely sentry can be seen. He is supposed to remain alert and per-
form his simple duty. But as he stands there he muses about great
things. If only he were the general, what mighty feats he could ac-
complish. What victories he could win; what praises he could earn.
How wonderful that would be! But as he dreams he fails to detect

109

the enemy’s advance. The ensuing battle is lost. His faithfulness
could have meant a victory; his failure meant defeat. Dear friends,
may God help each of us to recognize our responsibility and do our
part.

Yesterday brother Unruh portrayed in gripping fashion the
fate of our brothers in Russia. We shudder at the thought that for
eighteen years already, they have been tested to the brewing point.
And yet, again and again over the years, God has provided ways
and means for us to relieve at least some of the need— as the chair-
man of our Relief Committee will describe for us this evening. We
are grateful to our heavenly Father for this and also to our brethren
in Europe and America who have pioneered this work and have not
grown weary in it. Today too is the day of God’s triumphs."
"Brothers and sisters, we too want to place ourselves at God’s dis-
posal, so that as a result of this Conference fresh determination
will be injected into the blood of our Mennonite youth. We want to
make every effort to claim, what we have inherited from our
forefathers, that we might truly possess it and express it in our
daily lives. Then, and only then, will those who follow us be able
to sav of us: they belonged to those whose strength was the Lord,
who followed Him, and dug wells in the midst of the woes and sor-
rows of their day.

May God in His grace grant it. Amen.

This brief devotional reveals the heart of CF. He was first of
all a man filled with a deep gratitude for the forgiveness of sins
with a very real personal experience of salvation in Christ. His
love for the Word was coupled with a ready ability to see where it
touches our lives. His deep respect for our spiritual fathers
brought with it loyalty to the people of God, and a capacity to take
up the burden of others and to persevere in it. Demonstrated on
this occasion was his gift of inspiring and challenging others.
There seems no doubt that a fire had been kindled in his life and
that his heart was set on denying himself, taking up his cross,
and following Jesus. And this was happening in the midst of the
grim depression years, when Stalin’s crimes against his own
countrymen in Russia were shocking the world and Hitler’s
fanaticism was gaining frightening momentum in Germany.

Once back in Canada the work of collecting the Reiseschuld
continued on. One of the more dramatic moments in the Reise
schuld epoch was the celebration in Coaldale, Alberta on Sunday
September 19, 1937 when the Mennonite brotherhood honored
the CPR and the Canadian Colonization Association through their

110

representatives Sir Edward Beatty and Colonel J.S. Dennis. The
Board in organizing the event, was determined that this great act
of trust by the CPR must be remembered. It was a gala occasion
with lots of pomp and ceremony. Toews and Janz and Klassen
were in their element. The MB church had been decorated in har-
vest thanksgiving style. Even more impressive than all the offi-
cial greetings and speeches was the presentation of bouquets by
twelve ten year old girls all bom in Russia. They laid the flowers
at Sir Edward Beatty and Colonel Dennis’ feet and said in unison,
"You saved our lives. We thank you." Many were moved to tears,
and even some of the honored guests showed signs of deep emo-
tion. Toews assured the dignitaries , that "our people will not only
pay their transportation debt to the last cent, but will also prove
to be upright and dependable citizens in their new homeland."
The celebration concluded with a prayer and an enthusiastic
singing of ‘God save the King.’

These feelings of loyalty to their new homeland found fur-
ther expression on the occasion of the Royal Visit to Canada in
June 1939. Elder David Toews on behalf of the Board and all the
Mennonites of Canada, was able to present the Royal couple with
a document expressing their loyalty and gratitude. CF drove his
family to Portage la Prairie in order to catch a closer glimpse of
the King and Queen. The royal train stopped briefly and the Royal
couple alighted to greet the cheering crowds. The Klassens
pressed in real close and got a good view of their monarch— the
boys even laid pennies on the track to be driven over by the royal
train. It was only two months later that Canada declared war on
Germany— an act that put some of this loyalty to the test.

Ill

Chapter 9

WAR AND PEACE

" But I say unto you, hove your enemies . . * " (Luke 6:27).

Not long after Canada declared war, an Order In Council
called for the registration of all aliens whose racial origin was
either German or Italian. It was CF who wrote to the RCMF in
Manitoba letting them know that the immigrants from Russia
were for the most part of Dutch stock. When an RCMP official
came to the house to discuss the matter, the children remember
how their mother made a special point of having the record
"There 1 !! always be an England" playing in the background. This
was no form of deceit on her part. She sensed earlier than her
husband and many other Mennonites that Hitler was not to be
trusted. She was deeply disturbed by his arrogance and cruel
fanaticism and her intuition proved to be right. The racial origin
question produced considerable confusion among the Men-
nonites, with some registering as Dutch, others German, some
as Polish and even Swiss. It was generally agreed however that
about 90% of the General Conference Mennonites and Mennonite
Brethren of Canada were of Dutch descent.

The peace position that CF had come to in Russia was now
put to the test. He assumed with other Mennonites that the Militia
Act of 1868 provided for exemption from active militaiy service
for an individual "who from the doctrines of his religion is adverse
to bearing arms." The wording was significant. Mennonites were
not exempt as a body, but the burden of proof rested on each
claimant. It was a matter of conscience.

112

CF had been one of the twenty signatories of the "Mennonite
Peace Manifesto" drawn up at the 1936 World Conference in
Amsterdam. It read in part 'We... believing in the Gospel of Jesus
Christ which calls men to promote peace and to stand against the
sin of war... appeal to all our brothers and sisters to witness ac-
tively to our peace principles and to our desire to render service
in the Spirit of Christ" (J.A Toews p. 28).

In March 1939, CF along with Toews and J anz was at a meet-
ing in Chicago where representatives of seven Mennonite con-
ferences gathered to deliberate on the peace question. They
agreed on the following:

We note with concern the growing tide of ill will and an-
tagonism toward certain foreign nations amounting almost to
hatred, coupled with a spirit which seems to us in many respects
to reflect a war psychology, and which may even have begun to af-
fect our own people. As non-resistant Christians who desire to
maintain the spirit of active goodwill and love toward all men, ac-
cording to the spirit, example, and teaching of Jesus, even toward
those who might be thought to be our enemies, we should seek to
guard ourselves against this spirit and do all in our power to
demonstrate in a practical way the spirit of love and helpfulness
to all (Epp 327).

Two months later in Winkler, Manitoba representatives of
nine Canadian Mennonite conferences gathered. Toews and C.F.
Klassen were responsible for calling the meeting. B.B. Janz spoke
for the MBs and expressed a willingness to do non-combatant
service in the medical corps as a form of alternative service. Most
of the so-called ‘Kanadier’ (descendants of those who came to
Canada in the 1874-80 emigration) were opposed to the Idea of
noncombatant service. Their exemption during the first World
War had gone so smoothly that they saw no need to try to be more
accommodating or relevant. The ‘Russlaender,’ who had come in
the 1923-30 emigration were more open to alternative service in
the Medical Corps since some of them had done similar service
in Russia during World War I.

A year later CF was in Ontario involved in the organization
of the Canadian Conference of Historic Peace Churches. This in-
volved the Mennonites along with the Quakers and the Church
of the Brethren. This was followed by a dominion wide meeting

113

In Saskatoon. It was decided at this meeting to send a joint delega-
tion to Ottawa to lay the groundwork for an alternative service
program. On November 12, 1940 Klassen along with Toews, Janz
and E.J. Swalm met with the deputy minister of the Department
of National War Services. Their suggestions were not favorably
received so they returned to Ottawa on November 22 to meet with
the Honorable J.G. Gardiner, Minister of National War Services.
At this time an alternative service program was agreed upon and
the first call-up of young men was scheduled for May 29, 1941.
The alternative service program took three forms: 1) work camps
in national parks, 2) service in agriculture and essential in-
dustries, and 3} service in the Army Medical Corps and the
Canadian Dental Corps.

Many of the young men who were called up in Manitoba
came to see CF to counsel with him. He challenged many of them
to be clear in their own hearts about their relationship to the Lord
so that they could answer the Judge out of true conviction. Some
of the men were intimidated quite badly by their rough treatment
at the hands of a certain Judge Adamson. This offended Cornelius
and he became quite indignant in his heart toward the Judge. At
one point the Lord convicted him of his bad attitude and he went
to the Judge and confessed his sin and asked for forgiveness. The
Judge said: "But Mr. Klassen, you have never shown it outward-
ly, you have always behaved correctly. There is nothing to forgive.
You are a perfect gentleman." CF’s reply was, that being a
gentleman wasn’t good enough, he wanted to be a Christian and
he wanted forgiveness and peace.

About this time, the family remembers, a notorious criminal
was sentenced to be hanged at Headingly jail just outside Win-
nipeg. CF felt the Holy Spirit urging him to do something. He was
finally able to arrange to see the inmate and to share the gospel
with him. He also appealed to the authorities for clemency.

Mennonite Central Relief Committee Formed

With the outbreak of the war Klassen’s heart was also drawn
out to become active in the relief effort for war -tom Europe. He
knew by experience something of the great need that is inflicted

114

upon people during war time, and he wanted to do his part in
ministering to that need. Along with Toews and Janz they or-
ganized provincial committees in support of the relief efforts;
January 12, 1940 for Manitoba in Altona, January 19 for Sas-
katchewan in Saskatoon, January 30 for Alberta in Coaldale, and
February 5 for British Columbia in Yarrow. These provincial com-
mittees then sent representatives to a central committee which
on March 1 5 was organized in Winnipeg as the Mennonite Central
Relief Committee for western Canada, with Toews as chairman,
Janz as vice chairman, Klassen as secretary-treasurer* This com-
mittee would work in close cooperation with the MCC in Akron
Pennsylvania.

The MCC had sent two men to investigate service pos-
sibilities in England, France, and Poland in October 1939, and
when they recommended service among displaced children and
evacuated families in England, Ted Claassen from Kansas was
sent to organize it* John Coffmann, professor at Goshen College,
but from Ontario, was the first volunteer from Canada. The
second was Peter J. Dyck from Laird Saskatchewan in July 1941,
and the third was Cornelius' sister Elfrieda, a registered nurse,
who went over in May 1942* They did a great Job in administer-
ing homes in the Birmingham and Manchester areas for children
and older people who were evacuated from bombed areas in
southern England.

The Mennonite Central Relief Committee of western Canada
sent its first shipment of clothing to England in August 1941. By
spring of the following year they were supporting the relief work
in England with $1,250 per month* Cornelius kept in close con-
tact with the work through personal correspondence with Peter
and Elfrieda and reported at church conferences on the challenge
they were facing and appealed for donations.

Reiseschuld concluded

What was happening to the Reiseschuld collection during
the war? The outbreak of the War coincided with the end of the
drought and the end of the depression. With an upswing in the
economy it became easier for people to pay on their i?eiseschulti

115

Early in the war years Springstein, Manitoba and Vineland, On-
tario wiped out their debts completely. With the end in sight many
took fresh courage. It was not only better prices for hogs, beef,
dairy and poultry products that brought in increased payments,
but as he mentioned in one of his many letters to Toews "both
our conferences have been devoting more time and interest to the
Reiseschuld question in the last few years." He also rejoiced at
the news that church leaders were putting pressure on able but
unwilling debtors. In 1942 both the MB and GC Conferences
recommended that special committees be appointed to counsel
with delinquent debtors. In Coaldale a list was circulated with the
names and debts entered on it. The pressure was on, and some
resented it, but not wanting to lose face they pitched in. Out of
267 parties in the Coaldale district sixty-three still owed part or
all of their Reiseschuld.

The CPR contributed to the acceleration by cancelling the
interest on the principal from 1930 onward. This amounted to
close to one million dollars. Excitement was growing at the
prospect of completing the task. Some who paid off their own debt
began to heap fiery coals on their neighbors by beginning to pay
on theirs. By 1943 sixty two districts had liquidated their debts.
By late 1945 Alberta became the first province to complete the
task. Early in 1946 British Columbia and Ontario followed suit.
David Toews, however, due to deafness and increasing weakness
caused by diabetes, had to resign in April 1946. His wife had died
of cancer in 1941. After the fall harvest the last two provinces,
Manitoba and Saskatchewan, also completed the task.

November 19, 1946 was an historic day. J.J. Thiessen, the
new chairman of the Board and a long-time associate, was able
to take the good news to Toews. Toews thought they were Just
trying to comfort him in his sickness, but as the truth of it hit
him he broke out in uncontrolled weeping, as the two million dol-
lar debt that he had signed for in 1923 rolled off his heart. Final-
ly he could rest in peace. The commitment to the CPR had been
fully met. A few months later on February 25 he passed into the
presence of his Lord. But CFwho had worked so closely together
with Toews, and should have been around to rej oice over the great
liquidation, was thousands of miles away engaged in what was
to become the greatest mission of his life.

116

m. EUROPE
1945-1954

Prologue

As the war in Europe came to a close in 1945 CF had already
been a resident of Canada for sixteen years. He was in the prime
of his life and had been busily occupied during this period as we
have seen. Yet in a real sense, unlike many men who went to war
in the forties and experienced the greatest challenges and excite-
ment of their lives, for CF the war years were a waiting time. He
sensed too that once the bombs and guns ceased, the great after-
math of war would present its agonizing challenges. So just at
the time when other men were gratefully returning home to nurse
their wounds and resume normal lives with jobs and families, CF
began to lift his sights to the opportunities for service back across
the ocean in Europe.

History celebrates the great men who moved armies and es-
tablished kingdoms. But who will dare to move the vast hordes
of homeless, sick and decrepit people left in the wake of these

117

military feats? They are the greater challenge— the odds hinder*
ing their resettlement, poverty, disease, age and death are far
more frustrating. Great generals display bravado and courage;
the qualities for the other task are those of the spirit, compas-
sion, long suffering, patience and quiet determination. For this
task CF was the man of the hour So as the soldiers of World War
II were laying down their arms this soldier of peace was prepar-
ing to end the long years of waiting and begin again to search for
his brethren.

Concern for those that had remained in Russia when he left
in the fall of 1928, continued with him all through his Reise-
schuld years— deepened by his attendance at the Mennonite
World Relief Conference in Danzig in 1930 and the one in Amster-
dam in 1936. During the war little bits of news came through of
great upheavals and destruction among the Russian Mennonites
and of flights westward and exiles eastward.

118

Executive of Uie All-Russian Mennonite Agricultural Union, 1928
From left to right-HF Dyck, Peter Froese, CF Klassen

Executive of the Canadian Mennonlte Board of Colonization, 1935
Front row, left to right-Janz, Toews, Klassen, Thiessen
Back row-Harder, DeFehr, Derksen, Gerbrandt

$Hv«r Anniversary* Abbotsford* BG, 1951

MCC Executive Members, Europe, 1947
From left to rlght-OO Miller, CF Klassen, HS Bender

European Men non I te Leaders, Goettingen, 1948
From left to right-Eahusen (Gronau), Braun (Palantinate), Unruh (Karlsruhe),
Driediger (N. Germany), CF, Horsch (Bavaria), Fast (Einden),

Seho waiter (Hamburg), Gottermann (Amsterdam),

Wall (USA), Crous (Goettingen)

CF Klassen, HU Sister Etfrkdi Dyck, Peter X Dyck In Germany, 1948

Froese, Utiruh and Klassen ai the Mennonlte World Conference, Basel, 1952

Chapter 10

‘SEEKING HIS BRETHREN’

"I am seeking my brothers . . . "(Gen. 37:16).

On August 6, 1945, the day the Americans dropped an
atomic bomb on Hiroshima, the MCC Executive meeting In
Chicago, made the decision to send CF as their representative to
Europe. It was to be a six week exploratory visit.

CF knew that this was the call of God upon his life, but when
he checked things out with his doctor he was seriously warned
not to undertake such an assignment. His heart was weak and
was acting up periodically necessitating bedrest. Cornelius and
Mary prayed about It and agreed that he should go, even against
the wishes of their Dr. Rudolph.

Preparations continued and at the Sunday morning service
on August 19 at the North End church there was a special com-
missioning with prayers for his safety and the success of the ven-
ture. The next day at the Winnipeg airport he bade farewell to his
family and friends. This was the sixth time he was crossing the
Atlantic but it was the first time by air. Twenty-four more cross-
ings would follow, before his ministry to his refugee brothers
would be sealed with his death.

His first destination in Europe was London. England. Here
he came face to face with all the complications of travel permits
and visas to get onto the continent. While In London he attended
meetings of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Associa-
tion (UNRRA). To his surprise the meeting was chaired by a Rus-
sian— a little reminder to him of how the Russian presence had

119

infiltrated the West as soon as the War was concluded. Here he
got some details on the magnitude of the post-war refugee
problem. An estimated 30,000,000 people were driven from their
homes as a result of the war. How terrible! This was almost too
much to imagine, more than the total population of Canada!
Among them would be thousands of his Russian Mennonite
brethren, fleeing from Communism— the details of which would
soon become more clear. UNRRA was a result of the combining
of the Inter- Governmental Commission on Refugees (IGCR) of
1938 with Nansen’s International Office for Refugees. By mid
1945 there were already 300 UNRRA teams caring for displaced
persons all over Europe. It was in London that he heard about
Prussian Mennonite refugees in Danish refugee camps.

Prussian Refugees in Denmark

The first door that opened for him was to go to Denmark over
Stockholm, Sweden. On arrival in Copenhagen, no one seemed
to know anything about ‘Mennonite’ refugees. Three hundred
thousand German refugees in all, had been forced upon the
Danes and they were not at all happy with the arrangement and
were eager to see them returned to Germany. It was a German
Jew who had lost everything in the war, but was not embittered
by it, who finally helped CF to locate the Prussian Mennonite
refugees. There were over 2,000 of them distributed amongst
other refugees in thirty different camps.

After a short train and bus journey he arrived at the largest
camp and the first one he met was Elder Bruno Ewert, who had
been the pastor of a Mennonite church in Heubuden near Dan-
zig. CF had first met him at the second Mennonite World Con-
ference in Danzig in 1930. What an emotion -filled reunion that
was. Gradually the story came out.

Just before the War there were about 1 5,000 Mennonites in
East and West Prussia, descendants of persecuted Dutch and
north German Mennonites who had fled there 400 years earlier.
Things had come to a head in Prussia during the time that the
Germans were retreating and the Russians advancing. The Nazis
had always assumed that they would be able to contain the Rus-

120

sians, after all for over a hundred years no foreign enemy had set
foot on German soil That is why the Germans never gave the
order to evacuate until it was almost too late. It was consequent-
ly done in great haste while the Russian bombs were dropping.
Many were killed and many were separated from one another in
the confusion. Ewert estimated that of all the Mennonites in Prus-
sia a quarter were killed or lost, another quarter fled to Denmark,
and the remainder fled westward through East Germany into
West Germany. The ships were bombed as well, and his descrip-
tion of these scenes were hair-raising: screaming, ciying, wailing
everywhere. Those that made it sailed over Luebeek and Gdfngen
to Denmark, And, as mentioned, their welcome in Denmark was
not a friendly one. The Danish authorities were always searching
among them for those who had been active Nazis.

The needs too, in the camps were great, especially in the area
of clothing and beds. Many were sleeping on thin layers of straw
on concrete floors, and the straw wasn't changed very often. They
had been issued military blankets and were told that shoes would
be coming. Their inactivity in the camps was also a great burden.
Efforts were being made to set up workshops to keep them more
active. The wood was to be supplied from Sweden,

At another camp OF met Elder Bruno Enns, who had been
a pastor in Orlofferfelde, and a Rev. Herman Epp. How shocking
to hear first hand how the total Mennonite presence in Prus-
sia/Poland was wiped out to the last man. CF was able to arrange
with the authorities for these three men to move more freely from
camp to camp to minister to the spiritual needs of their brethren.
He hoped that these Danzig refugees would soon be moved to Hol-
land, from where efforts could be made to find places abroad
where they could settle.

From Denmark CF returned to London, where he stayed at
the London Mennonite Centre at Shepherds Hill, Highgate, while
negotiating with the authorities about permission to enter Hol-
land or Germany. Here he met Peter Dyck briefly, who was on his
way back to Amsterdam with a truck load of relief supplies. Peter
had served with MCC in England for four years and during that
time was married to Cornelius' youngest sister Elfrieda— also on
MCC service. When the war ended they transferred to MCC work
in Holland.

121

CF’s next flight was to Paris, where he met Orie Miller of the
MCC Executive Committee and also M.C. Lehman who had flown
in from the MCC office in Switzerland. While in Paris CF met his
first Russian Mennonite refugee (as opposed to Prussian), a Ger-
hard Neufeld who had fled there across western Europe with his
wife and daughter and a fifteen-year-old sister of his. They stood
in great fear of being repatriated by the Russians and being for-
cibly sent back to Russia. CF had heard of Neufeld’s predicament
by mail through his Canadian relatives, and had sent a brief note
to him in France saying, ‘Come to Paris, maybe I can help you.’
Neufeld received the note Just the day before CF arrived in Paris
and was fortunately able to arrange to get there. They spent a day
together with Neufeld pouring out his tale of woe. CF asked him
many questions about conditions in Russia among the Men-
nonites, and then asked him also about his own personal
relationship to God, and reminded him of his great responsibility
before God in the training of his children. This became a turning
point in his life, he says, and led directly to his conversion. CF
could not help him immediately, but he let Peter Dyck know about
him, and Peter was able to rescue him and his family out of his
desperate situation and bring him through Luxembourg and Bel-
gium to safety in Holland.

Next, the door opened to fly to Holland. It was a great joy to
spend time together with Peter and Elfrieda. Their first contact
with Russian Mennonite refugees happened when thirty-three of
them appeared at the Dutch border asking for entry. The Dutch
authorities tried to turn them back thinking they were Germans
but they used their Low German dialect (Plattdeutsch) and in-
sisted they were of Dutch descent. It was through a newspaper
article that Peter and Elfrieda caught wind of them, and when
they rushed down were delighted to discover that they really were
Russian Mennonite refugees. Peter prevailed with the authorities
and they finally agreed to allow in 1,000 on the basis of a quick-
ly created ‘Menno Pass’— if the American Mennonites would cover
the cost of feeding them and the Dutch Mennonites would house
them.

CF was eager to meet them and arrangements were made to
go along with Dom Hylkema to Fredeshiem, the Mennonite centre
where they were being housed. Jacob Giesbrecht was the his-

122

torian of the group and it was agreed that he would give them his
account. He didn’t get far however, before he choked up with tears
coursing down his cheeks. Gerhard Neufeld* who was now
amongst them, took over Six hundred and fourteen of them left
Nieder Chortitza In October 1943 heading in the direction of War-
saw, Poland. Before they reached Warsaw, 341 were caught by
the Russians and forcibly returned, many never to be heard of
again. After a brief stay in Warsaw they fled toward Dresden where
they stayed the winter. Twenty-one died there. In early spring they
trekked on to Yugoslavia, working for farmers, and then Into
Austria, where they lost another 150 people.

Finally they got into Bavaria and In a desperate state of ex-
haustion and near starvation reached a refugee camp, on May
10, 1945— two days after the War ended. They stayed there for
two months, but felt they must press on to Holland. After leaving
the refugee camp they were caught by the police in Rasstadt and
put on a train heading for the East German border— but they es-
caped at one of the stops and hid in the fields. They were caught
again, and threatened, but one of the mothers said "shoot us right
now, if you will, but we will not go back to Russia!" Finally there
was just one eighty- two year old grandmother who wasn't able to
flee from the train, and she was taken across into East Germany
never to be heard of again. As for the rest, their number was down
to fifty- three. On the last lap there were stops at Ulm and in Man-
nheim. When they reached the Dutch border at Maastricht they
were down to thirty-three. Six hundred and fourteen had started
out in October 1943 and by summer 1945 their number had been
decimated to thirty- three. CF was deeply moved by their story,
and now more than ever wanting to get into Germany to begin his
actual search.

Into Germany

It was back In London that he finally did get permission to
enter Germany, but first of all, only Into the American zone. It
was on October 9 that he flew into Frankfurt. Samuel Goering
from the MCC office in Switzerland was there to meet him. His
name caused some consternation among the US authorities, and

123

they had to be assured that he was not related to the infamous
Herman Goering. In Basel the Swiss phone operators would not
take his calls because of his name. CF noticed that Hannau, near
Frankfurt, was totally destroyed by bombs and fire, and was
reduced to a heap of rubble. Frankfurt also was in ruins. The
grandiose ‘Hauptbahnhof (main train station), that CF had last
seen in 1936 after the World Conference, was now just a ragged
skeleton,

Before he could begin his search the American authorities
checked him out carefully. "Who are you, and what is your as-
signment?"

"I am seeking my brethren...."

'Yes, yes, but they are from Russia and it is to Russia that
they should return."

CF had to explain that, like himself, they had escaped from
the land of their bondage, and would never return, whatever hap-
pened. Furthermore many of them had received German citizen-
ship while they were settled briefly in German occupied Poland
(the Warthegau).

'Well, if they are Germans, that might make it even worse,
there will be no help forthcoming for them." Little did CF realize
how much trouble their German naturalization would cause him
in the years to come.

As soon as he was cleared CF inquired after Christian Hege,
co-author of the Mennonite Lexicon and co-organizer with Chris-
tian Neff of the World Conferences. His home was Just outside
Frankfurt. Unfortunately he had not survived the war. Christian
Neff, however, was still alive and living at the Weierhof near
Worms, and CF was later able to visit him. At Karlsruhe he was
able to meet his old friend Benjamin Unruh. It was only nine years
ago that they met in Amsterdam but to Unruh it seemed like a
whole lifetime of horror had transpired since then. Unruh lived
next to the Thomashof, the south German Mennonite retreat
centre, where CF also met his friend Christian Schnebele, the
director. The dark cloud of Nazism had begun to lift but many of
the people CF met were still in a state of shock.

By now he knew that in order to accomplish his mission he
would have to criss-cross Germany in every direction, but how
was this to be accomplished? He finally arranged to use the Dutch

124

MCC car, but it would have to be driven by an authorized per-
son— which turned out to be a Quaker Red Cross worker. They
passed from Holland through Gronau and Osnabrueck on their
way to Vlotho where he received considerable help from Colonel
Agnew of the British Red Cross Civilian Relief Commission.

The next morning they left for Hamburg but were delayed
for two and a half hours when, passing through a small German
village, they picked up a six inch spike in one of their tires. When
they finally got to Hamburg he was overwhelmed by the destruc-
tion and the rubble strewn everywhere. They drove straight to the
Mennonite church and met Pastor Otto ShowalteFs wife. Otto was
still in South Germany serving as a chaplain with the German
army. In Hamburg they had more car trouble. This time it was
the lights, and they were told it might take four days before they
could get the parts needed to repair it. Fortunately the Red Cross
provided him with a truck and driver, and this is how he got to
Celle where he had the name and address of a Mennonite refugee.

When he found the person, word spread rapidly that a Men-
nonite from America was there to help them. By late afternoon
over thirty gathered together to hear what he had to say. They
were excited to hear that the MCC had sent him to do whatever
was necessary to help them and to reunite them with their
families. Their main concern was, could they come to Canada,
and how soon? Everything possible would be done, but he could
not give them any assurance yet that Canada would open its
doors for Russian Mennonite refugees.

One of the members of this group was Maria Foth t a twen-
ty-seven-year-old girl whose mother and father died under the
Communists, but who was able to escape with her grandmother.
She had trained as a teacher in Russia and had lost her faith in
the process. Through severe trials she had gone through recent-
ly, when Russian soldiers had tried to force her to return to Rus-
sia, she had recommitted her life to the Lord.

That very afternoon the fourteen-year-old nephew of the
friend she was staying with, had received two free tickets to a
small animal circus and she had gone with him. Just before the
act was to begin there was an announcement on the public ad-
dress system, "Is there a Miss Foth in the audience? Miss Maria
Foth." Her first reaction was that the Russians had tracked her

125

down again, but then the word came, "a young boy outside wants
to see you." She risked it and went out, where the seven-year-old
nephew other friend said, "Hurry, hurry, an American is here and
wants to see you.” She hurried to the place, and found out that
the American was a Canadian, a Mr. C.F. Klassen, sent by the
MCC. He said to the group, "Right now I am only collecting names
and other personal data, to publish in our Mennonite papers at
home. But we are also praying that God will open the doors across
the Atlantic for you in His time. God is able to do it!" He proceeded
to take down all the pertinent information, and finally turned to
Maria and asked, "And you, haven’t you any relatives in North
America?"

"Oh yes," she said, "grandmother has a brother in California
and other relatives in Canada, but I don’t have a single address."

He wondered whether she remembered any of the names,
and she mentioned a Cornelius Driediger. '1 know him well," said
CF. "he is, in fact, a good friend of mine.” He wrote dovm the ad-
dress by memory and handed it to her. She immediately jotted
dowm a few lines for her uncle and CF said he would mail it for
her.

From this group of refugees he got names and addresses of
other refugees in different parts of Germany. When he got to Goet-
tingen he received a great deal of help from Ernst and Rosa Crous.
Crous was a Mennonite historian who had been a librarian in
Berlin before the war. Both of the Crous* sons died in action in
the war, and when the Russians advanced on Berlin they took as
many documents and books with them as they could and fled
westward. In Goettingen they were crammed into very small
quarters and when CF found them, every square inch of their
apartment was covered with papers and books. They were a great
help to Cornelius because they had already collected the names
and addresses of many of the refugees. Their place became known
as the North German Mennonite research bureau, and as it
turned out they coordinated all the names and addresses for the
British Zone especially of the Danzig Mennonites. They were
delightful hosts and made CF feel very welcome. Through all the
grief and turmoil they had not lost their joy. He really looked the
part of a scholar and historian wdth his very thick glasses and
short unkempt hair.

126

The Impact of what CF was experiencing can be seen In a
letter he wrote from the Crous’ to Peter and Elfrieda in Amster-
dam,

You should see the tears of joy when I tell them about their
relatives and friends in Canada. What these poor people have en-
dured! Indescribable suffering and misery! Only veiy seldom is a
whole family intact. In most families the father and sons are miss-
ing. In isolated cases there are fathers whose wives and children
are missing. Some In this zone have been picked up by the Rus-
sians and sent back. They are shameless In their boldness. I
haven’t met one yet personally, but I was very close to the East
German border today and It gave me a veiy uncomfortable, almost
sinister feeling.

After three days in Goettingen he looked up a Rempel fami-
ly not that far away. He arrived there late in the afternoon and
knocked on their door. They were delighted to meet ‘Klosse von
Kanada. ’ They had heard via the refugee grapevine that there was
someone making contacts with Mennonite refugees from Russia,
and here he was in person. They immediately sent their children
(one of which is Rev. Dick Rempel now in the Fraser Valley in
British Columbia) to notify others in the vicinity about a meeting
that night.

In the meanwhile they poured out their story of the enforced
collectivization in 1929, the artificial famine in 1933 when seven
million died, the end of church services in 1935, the dismantling
of their church building to make sidewalks in 1937, the sudden
disappearance of sixty- nine men out of their village in 1938, the
arrival of the German army in 1 94 1 , and their flight beginning on
October 20, 1943. They were part of what is called the ‘first trek’
westward, which for Mennonites alone involved over a thousand
wagons. It involved mostly those from Chortitza. Molotschna vil-
lagers had been forcibly sent beyond the Urals before the Ger-
mans arrived. To begin with the journey went fairly well, but after
a time the Russian forces drew closer and began to bomb the
caravan. Many were killed or left wounded. Cows and sheep were
left behind and many of the horses were killed. The carnage was
terrible. Those that reached Poland were penniless and destitute.
They were told to settle in the Polish corridor between Lodz and
Posen. Unfortunately the Germans, who had occupied Poland al-

127

ready in 1939, simply removed the Polish farmers to make room
for these refugees. Many of the Mennonite refugees resisted this
plan, and they were proved right, for when the disgruntled Poles
returned they treated the refugees cruelly.

During this time (1943-45) Elder Bruno Ewert from Danzig
exercised a significant spiritual ministry among them, baptizing
many of them. After eighteen months the Russians drew closer
again and this led to the ‘second flight’ which was even more ter-
rible than the first. Some headed south to the Sudeten mountains
and on to Leipzig and into Austria; others crossed through Ber-
lin into central Germany; still others went due west into north-
ern Germany. The Rempel family took the central route over
Goslar and Wemigerode, finally ending up near Mainz in West
Germany. In the process father and mother were separated from
one another for eight months. What agony they went through
wondering whether the others had been picked up by the Rus-
sians and sent back. What joy and what a miracle it was in their
eyes when the whole family was reunited in September 1945. not
too long before CF found them.

About forty-five refugees crowded together in the Rempel
quarters that evening. What a sense of expectation was in the air.
CF began by reading a list of those he had already found scat-
tered throughout Germany. What joy when one in the group
would suddenly recognize the name of a close relative or friend
and discover for the first time that they too had made it safely out
of the house of bondage. Then they asked CF about relatives and
friends in Canada and in most cases he was able to identify them
and tell them where they lived and how they were doing— down
to practical details that amazed them; details that had been the
bread and butter of his Reiseschuld work!

Then he told them some things about Canada, the desired
goal for most of them. To the oldest member of the gathering he
said.

In Canada, brother Letkeman, you'll have to go to Sunday
School. There, everybody goes, from the youngest to the oldest.
There will be many other adjustments that you will have to make,
but if you’re humble you’ll make it. You’ll have to resist the tempta-
tion to complain and to insist that the way you did things in the

128

old country are the best.

At this point they were hoping to be in Canada in a few
months and nothing he said daunted them. CF in return was
deeply touched by their child-like faith, especially when Rempel
prayed that the goodness of God to them, would lead them to true
repentance. Sometimes it is in the lion's den that one becomes
more aware of God’s goodness. "How unsearchable are God’s
judgments, and His ways past finding out."

Another example of how the Lord directed CF in his search,
is the letter he received from Brazil, from Johannes Janzen, the
artist, a former neighbor of his back in Donskoj. He was con-
cerned about his daughter Agatha, married to a Robert Janzen,
who were hoping to get out of war-tom Germany to Brazil. CF
was able to locate the little village she was in. and this is how she
reports the incident: "The first time he came, my husband was
not home. I heard a knock at the door, and didn’t look in that
direction immediately since I thought it was just someone from
the house. Six families shared the little house at that time. Final-
ly I turned around from where I was busily at work over the wood
stove, and there stood a stranger. We looked at each other in
silence for a moment, and then he asked, "Do you know me?"

Suddenly, it was like scales dropping from my eyes, and I
said, "Yes, I know, you are Cornelius Klassen,"

"Did you know that I was in Germany?"

"No,” I said.

"You mean to say you recognized me from twenty- seven years
ago in Donskoj?" He couldn’t get over his amazement, for when
she left New Samara, she was only eight years old. and he must
have been in his early twenties. She knew all his younger brothers
and sisters and was eager to hear of news about them. CF also
had some pictures with him of his brothers and sisters and their
children. In a moment of time, Russia, Brazil, and Canada, all
came into focus in that refugee kitchen in an obscure village in
war-torn western Europe.

Another group of refugees in Herlngnohe, between
Nuernberg and the Czech border in Bavaria, had written to Ben-
jamin Unruh, who passed on their address to CF. When he and
his English chauffeur arrived there on a Sunday morning no one

129

they asked seemed aware of a group of refugees from Russia.
Finally they went to the American Army barracks, but still there
was no clue. They drove back into the village. CF wasn’t the kind
of person to give up easily, and as he was standing there ponder-
ing about what to do next, he could hear the faint strains of a
familiar hymn— "Weiss ich den Weg auch nicht, Du weisst ihn
wohl; dass macht die Seele still und friedevoll" (Even when I don’t
know the way. You certainly do; and you quiet my soul and fill it
with peace). "Those are my people," he said to the driver, "let’s
go."

A little flock of refugees was gathered in Victor Janzen’s
room, and because they were crammed in and the autumn
weather was pleasant they had opened the windows. They didn’t
have a minister, but they liked to gather on Sunday mornings to
sing a few hymns, to read some Scripture and pray together.

When CF knocked, one of the children sitting close to the
door peeped out and said 'There’s a man here.”

One of the men stepped out and came right back in saying
excitedly, "There’s a Klassen from Canada here!" They were
dumbfounded. For almost twenty years they had as good as no
news from friends in America, and now, suddenly, there was a
live Mennonite there, straight from Canada, who even spoke Low
German! The Communists had given them the impression that
Mennonites In America were all in concentration camps.

No sooner had he made his way into the crowded room than
they began to bombard him with questions: "have you heard of.. .,
do you know..., is so and so still alive etc.?" To their amazement
he was able to answer most of their questions. It seemed to them
that he knew every Mennonite in Canada. Suddenly he asked
them, "Is this all of you?"

"No, there are many more in the vicinity."

"I want to see them all," he said.

This wasn’t so easily accomplished. As refugees they had no
telephones and no cars. It was quickly agreed that Victor Janzen
would go along with the chauffeur and make the rounds notify-
ing them. There was excitement in the air. Suddenly these quiet
and somewhat quaint refugees from Russia were the center of at-
tention. An official had come all the way from Canada specially
to see them and to help them.

130

The same scene was repeated on this Sunday afternoon and
the questions went on into the evening. He answered many ques-
tions, but he felt bad that he couldn’t promise them much. Neither
Canada nor the United States were receiving any refugees yet,
and the MCC had no concrete plans yet for any other country.
Their longings for a new homeland couldn’t be satisfied yet, but
at least their hope was kindled afresh— they had been feeling all
alone in a cruel world but now they had been ‘found’ and they
knew that efforts would be made on their behalf.

CF’s ten-day visa for Germany had been extended to fifty
days, and once he had about 3,000 names of refugees he decided
he could return to Canada and continue the work from there.
Crous, Unruh and a whole network of leaders and pastors would
continue the task of locating them and registering them, since
MCC as yet had no access to Germany.

West Berlin

But CF had one more desire in his heart, to visit Berlin. The
first hurdle was to get official authorization through the military
authorities. The next was to try to arrange for a flight. The Lord
answered prayer and permission was finally granted. The first
flight was turned back due to thick fog, but the second was suc-
cessful. It was early November and very cold in Berlin and he
seemed never to be able to really get warm. He finally found the
Russian Mennonite refugees, one hundred and twelve in all,
crowded into sixteen rooms in an old house on Victoria-Louise
Platz. There was no central heating and a serious shortage of fuel.
Each room was heated by a small wood stove. Twigs and branches
were gathered daily in an effort to cook and keep themselves
warm. It seemed to be a losing battle and the rooms were always
filled with soot and smoke. Almost all the trees in the famous
Zoological Garden had been chopped down and used for fuel.
Their greatest anxiety however, they told CF, was their concern
about how long the Americans would be able to resist the Rus-
sian pressure on Berlin. A plan to meet their most basic needs by
Red Cross vans and ambulances traveling overland from Holland,
would be worked out soon by Peter and Elfrieda Dyck. Their num-

131

bers increased during the fourteen months of the Dyck’s stay,
finally reaching 1.125 in all.

On returning from Berlin CF was finally able to drive back
to Amsterdam and return the MCC vehicle to them. He had many
stories to share with Peter and Elfrieda and their co-workers and
the refugee community. He also thanked his sister warmly for the
sleeping bag and hot water bottle she had urged him to take along
when he first launched into Germany. They had come in much
more handy than he would have ever guessed.

After two days a flight to Zuerich was arranged. He remarked
that Swissair didn’t serve meals on the flight, but he feasted on
the spectacular view of the Black Forest and the Alps. What a
beautiful world God placed man in, and yet what a sordid mess
man is making of it! From Zurich he took a train to Basel, where
Sam Goering met him and took him to a hotel. He was delighted
to receive, through Sam, two letters from Mary with news from
home. At one point he had gone over a month with no letter from
Mary getting through. He and Sam discussed refugees and relief
until late into the night. Next day they drove on to Geneva where
they made contact with the International Red Cross and the World
Council of Churches. In both cases they received much en-
couragement and promises of help in their efforts to assist the
refugees.

Back in Basel Arlene Sittler, MCC secretary, was successful
in arranging a flight by Swissair to London, and from there to
Winnipeg by Trans Canada Airlines. This meant he would just
make it home for Christmas! He says he could hardly sleep when
he found out. What was planned as a six week exploratory visit,
had turned into an almost four month working mission. As he lay
there in his hotel room his heart was filled with praise to God for
having opened so many doors and having put him in touch with
so many of his refugee brothers and sisters. He thanked God too
for sustaining his strength— his heart hadn’t acted up and caused
him any troubles or delays.

132

Chapter 11

PREPARING FOR
EMIGRATION

"I will make a way in the wilderness ..." (Isaiah 43:19).

On December 23, 1945 CF’s brother Henry was at the air-
port to meet him and drive him to their home at 165 Cathedral
Avenue in the North End of Winnipeg— it was the old three-storey
house they bought in 1940 from Rev. Ernest Salter, a delightful
Methodist minister who was director of the British and Foreign
Bible Society in Winnipeg. It was Mary who insisted on the pur-
chase and arranged it. She was convinced that if they kept on
renting they would never get out of the bind they were in. The
Lord rewarded her faith and it served the family and many of
Cornelius’ friends very well.

It was a Joyous Christmas celebration with Mary and the
children on the 24th in the evening, after the traditional Sunday
School program in the church. On the 25th all his brothers and
sisters and their families came over and were eager to hear about
his experiences in Europe. The stark contrast between life in
Canada and the tragedy he had witnessed in Europe, still lay
heavy on his heart.

The next day Mary brought him up to date on all the
secretarial work she had done for him in his absence. She had to
carry all the responsibilities for the Mennonite Central Relief
Committee, including all the banking. He laughed when she told
him about the time she was getting on to a crowded streetcar and

133

her bag got caught In the automatic doors and the streetcar took
off with about $10,000 worth of cheques and money orders. She
ran down the middle of Main Street after the streetcar and
wouldn’t stop gesticulating until the streetcar stopped. Cornelius
realized once again what a faithful partner and co-worker he had
in Mary.

Chicago MCC Meeting

The following day he left for the MCC Executive Meetings in
Chicago (December 28-29), where he reported on his findings in
Europe and made recommendations on how to proceed. Some
basic principles and procedures were agreed upon:

1) It was understood that any resettlement of refugees in
Canada would be the responsibility of the Canadian Mennonite
Board of Colonization. Resettlement in the United States and
Paraguay, however, was the responsibility of the MCC.

2) That Canada was the preferred country for most refugees
was generally conceded— this was particularly true for close rela-
tives. Therefore every effort was to be made to facilitate immigra-
tion to this country. The United States, too, was preferred for
some although the possibility of entry was more remote here than
in Canada.

3) The executive secretary had been instructed to negotiate
with the Paraguayan government relative to the immigration
policy, especially as concerned Mennonite refugees. There was of-
ficial confirmation from this government that the doors were open
and that the country would receive Mennonites on the same basis
as outlined under the liberal policies in 1921. It followed then that
such as could not enter Canada or the United States would find
this country the final land of refuge.

4) While the Canadian Board of Colonization assumed
responsibility for resettlement in Canada it was mutually agreed
that the contacting and administering agency in Europe for all
refugee work would be the M.C.C.

5) Full cognizance was to be taken of the desires of the
refugees themselves before they would be moved into any
country. There was to be deviation from this directive only in case

134

an emergency forced action otherwise.

6) Any aid given while the displaced persons were still in
Europe was to be considered an outright gift. Aid given after the
refugees left Europe, such as transportation, equipment and
resettlement costs, was to be considered as a loan. (Unruh 179-
80)

This last point may sound as if some of the refugees could
have come under a great financial burden, but as it turned out
the MCC and the relatives of the refugees were very generous and
there never was the kind of Reiseschuld problem that existed in
the twenties and thirties.

P.C. Hiebert, Harold Bender, and Orie Miller were all in
strong agreement with CF that everything possible must be done
to help this new wave of emigrants from Russia. It will be remem-
bered that P.C. Hiebert and Orie Miller served with MCC in Rus-
sia during the 1921-22 famine and knew first hand what these
refugees had gone through.

Reporting to the Churches

Cornelius was back in Winnipeg by Friday and on Sunday
afternoon, December 30, he reported at the South End MB church
to a large and attentive audience. For many of them it was close
relatives and friends he was talking about, not some faceless
mass of people. They were aware too that Mennonite history was
in the making. That a chapter had closed for all the Danzig Men-
nonites was very apparent and, humanly speaking, there would
be no return. For thousands of Russian Mennonites, too, a new
chapter was opening up before them. The spiritual needs among
the refugees and in the German Mennonite churches, CF told
them, were far greater than he had ever imagined. Would the Men-
nonites of Canada rise to the occasion, was his challenge. One
could sense in the gathering a strong and united affirmation. It
was evident too in the generous collection that was taken up for
the work of the MCC. T.O.F. Herzer, director of the Canadian
Colonization Association and CF’s boss in the Reiseschuld days,
was also present. The fact that in his heart a spark of compas-
sion was kindled toward refugees would become a blessing to

135

thousands in the years to come— as we will see.

After Winnipeg, he reported In four other locations In
Manitoba: Steinbach, Altona, Amaud, and Winkler. The collec-
tions in Manitoba totalled $5,000. Then he traveled on to Sas-
katchewan where he reported at six locations six nights in a row:
Swift Current, Herbert, Drake, Saskatoon, Rosthem, and Hep-
bum. In Alberta he visited only Coaldale, but in British Colum-
bia he spoke in Yarrow, Sardis. Chilliwack, Abbotsford, and
Vancouver. After a brief stop at home he covered Ontario speak-
ing at Kitchener/Waterloo, Leamington, Vineland, Virgil, and Port
Rowan. He often spoke for two hours uninterrupted, and held the
people spell-bound. As he shared out of the overflow of his heart
they not only caught a glimpse of the tragic effects of the un-
restrained hatred that had been unleashed in Europe by the war,
they also found the springs of mercy and compassion being
opened up within them. A reverberation went through the ranks
of the Mennonite brotherhood uniting them and preparing them
for great expressions of generosity and service in the months and
years to come.

After this whirlwind of reporting, CF flew to Montreal on
February 19 to speak with CPR officials about their help for the
next wave of Russian Mennonite refugees. He received a warm
welcome from his old friend, H.P.C. Cresswell, the national direc-
tor of the Canadian Colonization Association of the CPR. The
credibility established through the faithful collecting in the dif-
ficult depression years, would now bear fruit. They promised to
do whatever was within their means to be of help. His next stop
was in Ottawa, where he contacted officials in the Department of
External Affairs and the Department of Immigration. Unfor-
tunately post-war Canadian immigration policy had not yet been
clarified and parliament would not be meeting until March 14
1946. But he was able to register the concern of his people and
their hope that Canada would continue to welcome genuine
refugees- especially family members and close relatives. The
United Nations meeting in London in January had made no
decision about the refugee problem but they would be meeting
again in New York in April and CF was hopeful they would take
up the challenge then and provide the member nations with some
positive guidelines.

136

The lists of refugees began appearing at this time in the Men-
nonite German language papers Der Bote and Die Rundschau.
The February 6 edition of the Rundschau, for example, listed the
names and place of birth of all those refugees at the Fredeshiem
MCC center in Holland. Subsequently, there were also long lists
of "Friends and Relatives being Sought." These newspapers
played an important role in bringing family members and friends
into contact with one another. They also published some of the
rare letters from persecuted Mennonites in Siberia and other iso-
lated parts of Russia.

The news coming through from Russia was grim. Cornelius
and Mary received a letter from pastor Herman Riesen, who had
officiated at their wedding twenty years ago. His home was Old
Samara, but he was now writing from Omsk, Kasakstan. His three
children had been conscripted into the armed forces and he
hadn’t seen them since. The Mennonite farmers from Old Samara
and the Trakt had all been forcibly sent beyond the Urals. Those
in New Samara and Orenburg had been allowed to stay but under
strict collectivization. Riesen estimated that in 1946 there were
approximately fifteen million slaves of the State in Russia, doing
forced labor In forests and mines. They lived In very primitive con-
ditions in barracks or sod huts, sleeping on straw mats, with soup
and porridge and a little dried fish as their staples, and usually
working twelve hours per day.

About five million were forcibly returned to Russia from
Europe, as had been agreed by Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin
at Yalta. This outraged CF. What a blatant disregard for human
rights! The Allies felt bad about it too, and tried to cover it up as
much as possible. It wasn’t fully documented until thirty years
later and it is now considered that the betrayal of these displaced
persons and emigres was perhaps the most heinous episode of
the last great war. Stalin had already decided in 1942 that "a Rus-
sian prisoner Captured alive, is ipso facto a traitor.” When he
heard that his own son Jacob had been captured, he said "I have
no son Jacob." When Jacob heard of this in the German prisoner
of war camp, he committed suicide by throwing himself onto
electrified barbed wire. (Macleans 1 1 February 85 24)

It is estimated that of the 35,000 Russian Mennonites that
fled westward, about 22,000 were forcibly sent back to Russia,

137

most of them ending up in Siberia. One Mennonite mother writ-
ing to her children in Dalmeny, Saskatchewan told how she had
reached Poland, then finally East Germany, but was caught there
by the Russians and sent to Siberia, where she was now working
on roads and in mines under unbearable conditions. She had not
heard from her children for years. H.H. Janzen, MB leader in
Kitchener Ontario, told CF about the son of a Mennonite minister
in Russia, who after two years in prison and repeated interroga-
tions lost his sanity and threw himself in front of an oncoming
train. Another Mennonite brother sank into utter despair and
hung himself in a barn— even as his brother had done four years
earlier. The cry of CF's heart was, "Oh God, have mercy, and be-
come again our very present help in this time of trouble!"

Meanwhile in Europe the MCC was getting deeply involved
in feeding programs and clothing distribution among refugees
and others in need. What they had done in England, and were
now doing in Holland and France, they were able to begin doing
in Germany in March 1946— and as always they ministered im-
partially to Mennonite and non-Mennonite alike.

By June, CF was able to inform his concerned brothers in
Canada that MCC had joined the Council of Relief Agencies
Licensed for Operation in Germany (CRALOG), and that Peter and
Elfrieda Dyck would be returning to Europe in July 1946 to head
up the work in Berlin. From July it was possible to send CARE
packages to Germany and in the ensuing months thousands were
sent by Mennonites In Canada and were a great help to the strug-
gling refugees. And by September he could say that 10,000 Rus-
sian Mennonite refugees had been registered by the network
reaching out all over West Germany, and that it would cost the
MCC at least one million dollars he estimated, in order to help
them to emigrate to new homelands.

On Sunday afternoon, October 20, 1946, a farewell service
for CF took place at the North End MB Church. Most of the Men-
nonite churches in Winnipeg were represented there, as well as
many from rural Manitoba. Brother Abram H. Unruh spoke at
the occasion taking as his text the words of Joseph in Genesis
37: 16 "I seek my brethren." Part of CF’s second mission to Europe
would be to help to send off about 2,000 refugees to Paraguay.
No refugee would be pressured to go to Paraguay, but it was al-

138

ready becoming clear that for many this would be the only hope—
if they were wanting to escape the continent soon and make a
new start.

Later that evening CF was busy doing his last minute pack-
ing. It always made Mary nervous to see how late he left it. The
last hour always seemed so hectic, and it often wasn't certain
whether he would really make it to the airport on time or not. This
time he was leaving from their new home at 95 1 Henderson High-
way in East Kildonan, Mary had arranged the sale of their first
home in the North End during the summer and had located this
two storey white frame house situated on a half acre near the end
of the East Kildonan streetcar line. It would be their last home in
Winnipeg,

From London CF, now on his second mission (21 October
46— 17 March 47), wrote the first of many reports that were
published in the Mennonite newspapers:

What a pleasant surprise it was to see so many friends at the
North End church on Sunday afternoon to wish me farewell. What
a blessing for my family and myself. The Lord is so good. The words
of encouragement extended to me by brother Abram Unruh, and
a number of other brethren, are accompanying me on my journey.
There were also a few warm handshakes at the airport at 2:00 a.m,!
After a brief stopover in Toronto we arrived in Montreal where my
brother John met me and took me to his home. Next morning I had
an opportunity to contact the CPR about immigration matters,
after which John took me to the Dorvai airport from where we left
at 1 1 :40 a.m. The sun was shining and the conditions for flying
were ideal. It took our Lancaster seventeen and a half hours flying
time to reach London— that's about 258 miles per hour.

1 am writing this letter from the same room \ was in on my
last day in Europe on my first mission, MCC has turned its build-
ing at 68 Shepherds Hill, Hlghgate, over to the YMCA, but has
reserved three rooms for MCC travelers and missionaries. I just
met brother Harold Sherk and brother A.E. Kreider. Sherk was
returning from India where he has been MCC director for two years,
and Kreider was on his way to India to take over from him.

H.P.C. Cresswell, director of the Canadian Colonization As-
sociation, arrives in London tomorrow and 1 am looking forward to
meeting with him.

My work right now involves acquiring the necessary visas to
get into Germany. They are not easy to obtain. I know my work to

139

be in God's hands, and I know He is also watching over the des-
tiny of our many dear refugees. He has ways and means of reach-
ing through with His help, if He wants to use us and some of the
means He has entrusted to us, to extend a saving hand to them,
then it is a great responsibility for us Canadian ana American Men-
nonites, and also a great honor. May God help us to be worthy of
the task, so that He can entrust us with further work. (MR 6 Novem-
ber 46 4)

On October 31, 1946 the MCC executive began to plan for a
transport of about 2,000 refugees to South America. It was agreed
that if possible Peter and Elfrieda Dyck should accompany them,
and that CA. DeFehr should be on hand in South America
making arrangements to receive them. The projected cost was
$400,000 and word came that the United States Mennonites were
pitching in vigorously. At the same time the MCC was exploring
settlement possibilities in Mexico, Brazil and Argentina.

Berlin Again

On November 14 CF flew from London to Amsterdam and
began negotiating with the Holland-America line for use of the
"Volendam' in mid January. From here he flew on to Berlin and
was able to join the Mennonite refugee community in their
Thanksgiving Day celebration, November 21. This is how one of
the nurses, Aganete Neugebauer, described the occasion. Her
father, David Klassen, Nikopol, Russia, was taken by the Com-
munists in 1921 and was never heard of again; and her husband.
Dr. Otto Neugebauer, was taken in 1938. Neither of them had
been heard of and she was assuming they had both been killed.
She reported:

Today we are celebrating Thanksgiving and it has been a
glorious day, a real blessing to us all. And best of all we had the
joyous surprise of having brother CF Klassen amongst us. I doubt
if any of our hearts were ever gripped and touched before as they
were today. Pastor Epp expressed it well when he said that our
heart strings have been vibrating wildly. Yes, our hearts are filled
to overflowing with thanks and many a tear has been shed. Al-
though many a heart is heavy with sorrow because of missing loved
ones, today they were tears of joy. What tears of Joy are, everyone
knows from his own experience. Not everyone can express their
deep gratitude audibly by clothing it in beautiful words, but in the

140

stillness deep gratitude is ascending.

We all know what has transpired and why we are so thank-
ful. Brother Klassen visited us a year ago at our quarters on Vic-
toria-Louise Platz and remembers the grim scene and the bleak
memories with which he left us. Being here today will convince
brother Klassen of the great changes that have taken place and
why we have so much to be thankful for Then he saw us like grey
figures in smoke filled rooms of a dilapidated building, hungry and
cold. But today? Just look at us today! All housed in lovely rooms;
all nicely dressed— especially today, and well nourished. And that's
not all. For those among us who are sick, we have our own hospi-
tal wing for twenty patients, who are well looked after by doctors
and nurses. And just today, to climax our celebrations, we received
our own telephone in the hospital.

As for me, I could just cry and shout all day, for sheer joy and
gratitude. One just cant describe adequately what is welling up
within. And what festive decorations adorn our dining hall. Our
meeting room too, that can accommodate us all (except for the
children), was also a sight to behold. And your gifts to us of flour,
bread, canned fruit, powdered milk, raisins, sugar and much more,
were there amongst the greenery shouting out in love ‘Sent in the
Name of Christ/ And on the walls letters were displayed assuring
us of your concern and your love and your prayers. We are ex-
periencing good times. By my way of reckoning, too good— far
beyond what we deserve. We thank you from the bottom of our
hearts. But above all we should thank God, Our speakers made
that very real to us today. And our actions ought to demonstrate
our thankfulness.

We come from a country where everything that is Christian
is outlawed, where everyone is spying on his neighbor, and where
someone like myself hasn't heard anything about God for twenty
years. And the conditions were tough, with no time for anything
other than the struggle for one's daily bread. But worst of all, was
the cruel separation from our loved ones. With trembling hearts
the question keeps arising, why? Why Is God punishing and test-
ing us so severely? God alone knows, and God is good, so we will
face the future with hope— for us too, a better day will dawn.

Amongst us already, all kinds of preparations are being made
for Christmas. I too am looking forward to Christmas like a little
child. Don’t you imagine too that celebrating Christmas in such a
large family must be delightful. Everybody is ousy with something.
Tlie youth group is doing craft work, the school children are learn-
ing their parts and practicing, others are sewing and knitting.
Everybody is doing something to contribute to the common joy. If
you saw the matenals being used in making presents you would
marvel and you might not be able to hide a smile. Often it is Just
sugar or flour sacks or other odds and ends, but with a little effort

141

and imagination beautiful things are being created— even as God
is creating beautiful things out of our lives as we let Him. (MR 1 5
January 47 1)

By mid-December CF was in Frankfurt making arrange-
ments with the American military for the use of a two room apart-
ment at Schlosserstrasse 3 to be used as his headquarters while
in Europe. It was in an older residential district quite close to the
American military offices in the large LG. Farben office complex.
CF was able to use the military post office and could eat in the
officers' dining hall and make purchases in their PX stores. When
the MCG later rented a building at 44 Vogtstrasse, CF chose to
keep his own little apartment and do his own secretarial work.
Hits wasn't always understood by the other MCC personnel, but
they accepted it because he had a senior role In the refugee work
and also a unique relationship to the German Mennonites who
accepted him as one of their own and looked upon him somewhat
differently than other MCC personnel,

CF sent home Christmas greetings from here:

From a battered, cold and starving Germany I send greetings
to our congregations in Canada and the US. May our almighty God
the Prince of Peace find a new homeland In 1947 for our sorely-
tested refugees, and then also provide the means to get them there.
May He bless all the organizations that are trying to help the many
millions who have been torn from their homes and have lost every-
thing. May the Lord equip everyone He is drawing into this great
ministry with perseverance and faithfulness for every task whether
great or small. (MR 2 January 47 i)

142

Chapter 12

THE VOLENDAM STORY

"Let my people go ... " (Exodus 9:1).

By the end of 1946 it was estimated that there were about
12, OCX) Russian born Mennonite refugees in Europe. It was
agreed that January 1947 was the time to begin moving the first
large shipload out of the war zone to a new land, and that
Paraguay would be the destination since the doors to Canada and
the United States were not yet open. There was a sense of urgen-
cy both because of the tense post-war situation, as yet unresolved
between the Allies who had partitioned Europe, and the very real
fear of the Russian refugees that they might yet be forcibly
repatriated. These refugees were in three locations, Holland,
Munich and Berlin.

After CF was assured that everything possible had been done
to get visas for the refugees he concluded the agreement in the
Hague for the use of the Volendam’ for the end of January. He
says he often trembled at the thought that this undertaking would
be costing the congregations in the United States and Canada
close to half a million dollars. What if something shouldn’t work
out as planned? The leasing of the ship couldn’t be postponed
until all the refugees were together in Bremerhaven. He would
have to move forward in faith. Once again the situation in Munich
and Berlin was studied carefully together with Peter Dyck, and
when they were assured that everything at the American military
headquarters in Frankfurt was in order, the dates in the Hague
were fixed: January 28 the Volendam’ would leave Rotterdam

143

with the Dutch group, and January 31 it would leave Bremer-
haven together with the Munich-Berlin groups.

The refugees in all three locations had been properly
processed— inoculated and screened and all the necessary docu-
ments obtained. In the meantime Klassen had to fly to London to
resolve some outstanding problems there. But when he returned
to Amsterdam on January 25 he had a phone call from Peter Dyck
in Berlin saying that new complications had arisen.

It was not to be an easy matter to unite the three groups at
Bremerhaven. Although travel from Holland and Munich for two
of the groups was a fairly straightforward matter, bringing the
third group from Berlin was a far greater challenge. What a shock
when Peter Dyck conveyed the grim message; the Berlin group
were not allowed to come.

The essence of the problem was the fact that though the
group was being moved from the United States sector of West Ber-
lin, their journey to Bremerhaven would take them one hundred
miles across the Russian sector of Germany (now East Germany) .
As Russian refugees this trip would need the full permission and
protection of the Russian occupying forces. This was totally con-
trary to their usual procedure which was to return fleeing Rus-
sian subjects back to the homeland. How could they treat this
group differently? And what if an incident should break out be-
tween the United States military escort and the occupying Rus-
sian forces? Would MCC expect the train to be defended by force?

Struggling with this new obstacle OF wondered if the whole
plan was doomed to failure. Like the Israelites the helpless Ber-
lin group saw their escape at hand yet needed a miracle [Wundej)
to force the governing power to release them. CF continues:

What a blow that was! Had we in the last analysis missed God
at some point, and gone our own way? We know how important it
is in our work to be led by the Spirit of God. That Is why we keep
praying. What should we do now? Should we cancel the whole ven-
ture? How could we do that without ruining MCC's reputation?
Could we do this to the 1 , 1 00 refugees in Munich and the 330 in
Holland? How disappointed they would be. How could we be
trusted in making future contracts for ship space if we backed out
now? This whole matter of leasing ships was fraught with problems
of all kinds. I had repeatedly assured skeptical officials who had
many doubts and misgivings about our plan, that many were pray-
ing for the success of this venture, and that I personally have faith

144

that God is in it. Would we be put to shame?

Brother Dyck in Berlin attempted everything humanly pos-
sible to find a way. But it was in vain. Should we send the ship
with half a load? 1 knew from previous experience that the pos-
sibility of quickly processing a new group of refugees in the British
zone was out of question. Despite this I drove to the British head-
quarters and made an attempt. But my efforts were in vain. So I
arrived back in Bremerhaven on the evening of the 29, heaw-
hearted. The Volendam had arrived from Rotterdam at five in the
afternoon with 329 refugees, accompanied by Marie Brunk, Mag-
dalene Frlesen and Evangeline Matthies, three of our Dutch MCC
workers. The 1 ,070 from Munich had also arrived and were to begin
boarding during the night.

The next morning, Thursday, January 30, Peter Dyck, who
was now with us, called Berlin twice, but there was no change. One
Miller in Akron had been informed and he was making every effort
in Washington, A prayer alert was sent back to friends in Canada.
Every avenue seemed closed and the situation hopeless. About
noon the Captain asked me if he should weigh anchor at 3:00 that
afternoon, I said yes: but had no inner peace about it, and went
back a little later and told him to postpone the departure a day. In
the afternoon we assembled all the refugees on deck and had a
farewell service. The anxiety about the Berliners dampened the
spirits of those who were safe on board— many tears were shed.
We poured it all out before the Lord in prayer. Without wanting to
tell Him what to do, we asked that during the next twenty lour
hours. He influence the decision in Berlin.

Quietly and with faith in the God who can do all things the
gathered company awaited the miracle they all knew would be
necessary to bring their brethren out of Berlin across the red sea
of the Russian zone, to the port of Bremerhaven.

Miracle in Berlin

Our service wasn't quite over when 1 was called to see the
Captain and Peter Dyck was called to the dock to answer a call
from Berlin, With the Captain was the American Vice-Consul of
Bremerhaven, who had hurried over with the good news that the
Big- Four Commission was meeting in Berlin and that a ray of hope
stfll existed. Then, suddenly, the message came through from Ber-
lin that the group had received permission to leave! We immediate-
ly notified the refugees on board the ship through the
loud-speaking system. What a shout of joy went upf Many eyes
were moist— yes, 'Gott kannl — the Wonder’ (miracle) had been
granted.

145

Now Siegfried Janzen and Peter Dyck with his brother Cor-
nelius had to rush to Berlin to try to help with the loading and
the return trip by train. In Berlin Elfrieda Dyck was given a bare
two hours to prepare the thousand refugees for boarding the
train. Fortunately she received the message during supper and
was able to instruct them immediately as to how to proceed.
Despite the fact that there were no lights due to a power shortage,
everyone was packed and ready to proceed by 8:00 o’clock. Only
the sound of the army trucks and the voices of those directing
traffic broke the stillness, as 1,000 harassed and homeless Men-
nonites ‘prepared to leave Egypt,’ the reluctant permission from
‘Pharaoh’ having been granted.

In the dark at the train station were officers of every rank to
witness the secretive escape. The previous day an announcer on
public radio in Berlin had said, "A Dutch ship with Mennonites
on board, has arrived in Bremerhaven, and is expecting to take
on more Mennonites. No one knows where they are coming from,
nor where they are going. There is something very mysterious
about the whole operation." At the station a train made up of forty-
one freight cars was ready to receive them. Blankets, ovens, and
some straw had been procured— unfortunately most of the ovens
were useless, producing more smoke than heat. Peter Dyck ar-
rived at 2:00 am. just before the train departed, and was at least
able to escort the transport to Bremerhaven. The trip through the
Russian zone was slow and filled with anxiety. There being only
one track, hours were spent waiting on sidings. Even the armed
American guards with them were nervous. It was an unforget-
table journey.

CF picks up the story:

The train from Berlin arrived at 2:00 in the morning on Satur-
day, February 1 . A Margarete Paetkau, 45, had died of a heart at-
tack during the journey. And during the bitter cold morning, the
thirteen month old son of the Franz Neufelds, died of pneumonia.

It wasn’t until 9:00 in the morning that we were able to begin board-
ing the ship. Our refugees were naif frozen and covered with dust
from the twenty-four hour journey in box cars, but no grumbling
or complaining could be heard. They made a fine impression. While
we were transferring them, one car load at a time, onto the ship
where they were given a hot cup of coffee and then registered and
assigned sleeping quarters, an American officer approached me
and said, ‘Why don’t you take these people to North America? They

146

are fine looking people that America could be proud of. Appeal
directly to the president, there must be a way/ This was hardly the
time to entertain new proposals.

As I watched our dear refugees ascending the gangway one
after the other, my mind flashed back a few decades to the nourish-
ing communities and strong churches In southern Russia. And
now, that was all gone— and thousands of sons, husbands, fathers,
and grandfathers had been exiled by the Bolsheviks into the
Siberian north and beyond the Urals. Their whereabouts In many
cases were unknown, and many of them were certainly dead by
now. When the Communist dictatorship confronted the unyielding
spiritual strength of the Mennonite family, its only option was to
destroy them. A few were able to save themselves by fleeing, and
amongst them were these passengers now boarding the Volendam.

In talking with them personally, each one still had a word of thanks
for help received in the last years. If one inquires about a husband
or father or son* tears well over and they ask with trembling lips,
,r Will we ever be reunited again in this life? Should we be traveling
even farther away?" God is the only one that can answer their ques-
tions and fulfill the longings of their hearts— the deepest desire
they have for this life. In many cases we know that this reunion
will not transpire until they reach their heavenly home. Many of
the men they long for have already been tortured to death. In such
circumstances God alone can bring comfort and strength. (MR 19
February 47 1)

OF was greatly encouraged by the fact that Peter and ElMeda
would be accompanying the refugees to South America. They had
done excellent work in England and Holland and now more
recently in Berlin. Together they made up a very powerful team.
He would have liked to meet together with them and all the
refugees for some final words of farewell, but time had run out.
He asked Peter to pass on his farewell greetings in the words of
the prophet Isaiah:

"For a brief moment I forsook you,

but with great compassion I will gather you.

In overflowing wrath for a moment I hid my face from you,
but with everlasting love I will have compassion on you,
says the Lord your redeemer.

For the mountains may depart and the hills be removed,
but my steadfast love shall not depart from you,
and my covenant of peace shall not be removed,
says the Lord* who has compassion on you.

For you shall go out in joy,

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and be led forth in peace;

the mountains and the hills before you

shall break forth into singing,

and all the trees of the field shall clap their hands."

(Isaiah 54:7,8,10; 55:12)

As they stood there in the cold wind and watched the ship
pull away and gradually disappear on the horizon, there was a
prayer on CFs heart, "May God go with you, dear ones, and bring
you safely to your destination. May He help you to quickly find
your way into the congregations there. May He help you, too, to
adjust to the strange conditions. By the time you arrive, you will
no longer be refugees. God bless you." (MR 1 1 February 47 1)
Their leaving had its moments of high drama. One woman
from the Munich party who had been separated from her hus-
band for sixteen years, discovered to her amazement and joy that
he was in the Berlin party. What a reunion on board ship? One
young man who had come with the Munich group and whose wife
and child were in the Berlin group, left the ship in despair when
he heard they couldn't come, in order to try to make his own way
to Berlin. Now his wife and child had arrived with the Berliners,
and there was no way that he could be reached. What should be
done? The wife and child left with the Volendam, and he would
have to follow later. There were also mothers in the group, whose
children came to the ship to see them, but they didn't yet have
permission to leave. The partings were very painful.

An interesting report appeared in the New York Times short-
ly after the exodus under the title , " Soviet Permission to Leave is
Obtained by Gen. McNamey After Threat of Shooting "

With 2,100 Mennonlte refugees from the Soviet Union near-
ing Paraguay, United States officials disclosed today a dispute that
had preceded their departure from Germany. According to the US
officials. Marshal Sokolovsky had insisted that the Mennonites
were Soviet citizens who should have been repatriated under the
Yalta Agreement, They added that Russian authorities had said
they would resist to a point of shooting, any attempt to move 1 000
Mennonites from the American sector of Berlin through the Soviet
sector to Bremerhaven, Only a last minute personal intervention
by General McNarney persuaded the Marshal to withdraw the
threat* United States officials had supported the claim of about
10,000 Mennonites who had fled from Russia to Germany that they

148

were as much entitled to protection as the Jews who had fled from
Poland. General McNamey made it clear for the first time that a
Soviet citizen could admit his citizenship and still legally remain
in the American zone of Germany (MR February 26, 47 1).

A report exists, (Frank Epp, ME 378), that the ‘personal
intervention* referred to, was a party In honor of Sokolovsky, the
Russian General, thrown by Lieutenant Colonel William Stinson
and General Clay, at which the signature was obtained from the
Russian while he was ‘under the influence/ God’s ways are often
strange, but the fact of the ‘miracle' stands; that night over 1 T 000
escaped to ‘freedom’ in a new land.

Those staying behind were immediately faced with new
problems. One hundred and fifteen of the refugees who had come
from Berlin had decided not to go to Paraguay and were now wait-
ing in four train cars. Accommodation would have to be found for
them, and that was no easy matter in over-crowded West Ger-
many. A refugee camp should be opened up in the British Zone
to care for them and to process further arrivals. 'Today these
plans are still shrouded in darkness," said CF. "We have dis-
covered in our work that we have to pray and believe our way
through from one stage to the next. God has helped us wonder-
fully thus far and He will continue to do so. He is able," (MR 11
February 47 1)

An Unusual Funeral

Another matter that needed immediate attention was a
funeral for the two from Berlin who had died. He had asked the
Captain of the ship to take the bodies on board and allow for a
sea burial to be conducted the next day. The Captain had agreed,
but the military authorities in charge of the dock would not per-
mit it. So the bodies were taken by ambulance to the hospital in
Lehe, a suburb of Bremerhaven. And that is where CF headed all
alone the next morning, Sunday February 2. It is a touching se-
quel to the Volendam story, and reflects a side of CF's per-
sonality— his deep sense of commitment, and compassion for the
personal details of each life involved in this entire venture. Al-
though his heart was full of gratitude for the accomplishments of
those turbulent days, and his body undoubtedly weary from the

149

strain, he still took time for the poignant little ceremony that took
place that cold and bleak Sunday morning.

He made his way to the hospital, and there was taken by an
orderly to the unheated chapel where the two coffins had been
placed. With coat and gloves on, and attended only by the strange
orderly, CF read Psalm 46 out loud:

"God is our refuge and strength,
a very present help in trouble.

Therefore we will not fear

though the earth should change,

though the mountains shake in the heart of the sea:

though its waters roar and foam,

though the mountains tremble with its tumult.

There is a river whose streams make glad the city of God.
the holy habitation of the Most High.

God is in the midst of her, she shall not be moved,

God will help her right early.

The nations rage, the kingdoms totter:

He utters His voice, the earth melts.

The Lord of hosts is with us;
the God of Jacob is our refuge.

Be still and know that I am God.”

He then thanked God for His wonderful help in the last few
days, and thanked Him too for these two pilgrims, who on their
way to a new earthly homeland, had entered their eternal home.
He also asked the Lord to comfort the eighty-three year old mother
of the departed, and her two sisters Katherina and Maria, and the
Franz Neufelds from Kronstal in Russia, the parents of the little
boy. The two deceased were buried the next day by the local
funeral authorities with the expenses being met by the German
money the refugees had left behind— currency that would have
no value as soon as they had left Germany.

CF wrote his account of the Volendam Story and this ‘Un-
usual Funeral’ from his bed in an isolation ward in a London
hospital. He had come to London to negotiate with the IGCR about
financial assistance for the transport to Paraguay, but had come
down with a bad case of erlsipolas (Gesfchtsrose) and had to spend
a week in hospital recovering. The financial assistance hinged on

150

whether these refugees were of Dutch descent or German descent.
If they were of Dutch descent their transportation would be sub-
sidized; if they were of German descent, there would be no sub-
sidy. The first few days CF was too sick to do anything, but then
he wrote: 'Tve been studying Mark’s gospel in the hospital and
must confess that together with the dramatic events of the last
few weeks, the Lord has become more precious to me than ever.
I’m thankful too for every opportunity to bear humble witness for
my Lord, whether it be to my fellow patients or the so-called ‘big
officials.’"

While CF was flat on his back, two officials were sent to Hol-
land to investigate the matter. Nothing conclusive could be turned
up for a number of days, but when Dom Hylkema produced Dr.
Horst Penner’s dissertation on the Dutch background of the Men-
nonite settlers in Prussia, they had the documentation they
needed, and were able to return with a positive report. As it turned
out this saved the MCC about $160,000— further evidence to CF
that God’s hand of blessing rested on these efforts to help home-
less helpless pilgrims. How true it is that "God’s strength is made
perfect in our weakness."

While in hospital CF also wrote the following "Necessary
Clarification,"

1) The first large group of Mennonite refugees is on its way
to Paraguay. Among the 2300 there are not a few who would rather
have gone to Canada. I must confess personally that I would have
much rather directed the ship to Canada. After all, many of them
have relatives in Canada all ready to welcome them in and take
care of them. And I believe that Canada would have gained many
new dependable citizens.

Many of their relatives in Canada are going to be displeased,
when they read the list of passengers and find their relatives among
them— people for whom they had made all kinds of costly prepara-
tions, but now heading for Paraguay. I myself was quite surprised
at some who just couldn't face waiting for the door to Canada to
open. On the other hand I can understand their desire to take the
first opportunity that presents itself to escape the terrible situa-
tion in Europe. Many of them, who had already endured so much,
wouldn’t take the risk of an indefinite wait, and headed for the first
open door. Who could blame them?

We are thankful to Paraguay for receiving our people, we also
believe that our dear refugees will be warmly received into the con-

151

gregations there, and that economically they will soon find their
feet. We also believe that many of their relatives In Canada will
quickly overcome their disappointment and then stretch out a
helping hand to assist them in paying for the trip and in getting
established In their new environment. It is the Lord who does the
leading. The MCC is just a helping hand— a veiy willing helping
hand at that. Fm sure that the MCC representatives in Paraguay,
brother C.A. DeFehr and brother Gerhard Warkentin ana the
others, will do everything In their power to make the reception and
the new adjustments a success. The God who helped so wonder-
fully at this end— and is being gracious on the sea voyage accord-
ing to Peter Dyck's cable— will certainly also help them on their
arrival in South America,

2) We are also very thankful that our faith regarding Canadian
Immigration laws has not been put to shame. The Law of May 28,
1946, that opened the doors for close relatives was very restrictive
to begin with, but it has now been broadened. This happened on
January 30 of this year, 1 only found out about It on the day that 1
entered hospital in London. 1 have studied the new law carefully
and find to my great delight that under its provisions most of our
refugees will be able to come to Canada, if their relatives and the
wider constituency are prepared to make some sacrifices, God will
grant us grace at this end as well to get the necessary travel per-
mits and to find sufficient ship space. Our heavenly Father is boun-
teous.

As soon as the application of the relative has been processed
and approved, the name of the refugee will be forwarded to the
respective authorities in Europe who will begin the processing at
this end. If he clears the medical and politics? screening he will be
granted an entrance visa to Canada.

In our work here weVe come across one problem that hadn't
occurred to us. Even if a person decides on Canada and is then
approved by the Canadian authorities, he still has to obtain an Exit
Permit from the Zone in which he resides. This permit is not easy
to get, especially for a person who lived in Russia until September
1 939. We are at work in the British Zone and in London to have
this altered, and with God's help we believe we will be successful.
The transportation crisis will also gradually change, and the
momentous day will come when the first refugee will enter Canada,
We must be patient. The time is drawing near. May God bless the
efforts being made at both sides of the ocean, so that the emigra-
tion can begin this summer. (MR 26 February 47)

Once out of hospital CF spent the next weeks negotiating
with the military authorities about opening a refugee camp in
Gronau, where Mennonite refugees could be housed and cared
for and processed. Although he would have to leave Europe on

152

March 17, the doors to the Camp at Gronau wouldn't actually be
opened until March 25. It was Siegfried and Margaret Janzen,
MCC workers from Canada, who played a crucial role In the or-
ganization and running of the Camp.

Before leaving he wrote a warm letter of encouragement and
exhortation to the congregations back home, posing the question.
Where Do We Go From Here?

Our work here is made possible because back home in our
congregations prayers are being offered up for us all and for the
work, and because great generosity is being demonstrated. These
are the great wells from which we, out in the field draw strength
and fresh courage daily. This is true also for the refugees who are
receiving the help. Remember that the blessings of the work reach
far beyond the physical help given. For many a refugee God has
again become a power to be reckoned with in his life. Many are ex-
periencing Christ as their personal Saviour and Lord and their lives
are gaining new meaning and purpose— even in the midst of the
misepr here in Germany. One young mother, that I met on my first
mission just after she and her young child narrowly escaped death
crossing over from the Russian Zone, approached me recently after
a meeting I was addressing in Westphalia, and shared radiantly
how she had found peace with God and was now finding the long
wait to get to Canada no longer so tedious.

And how about back home? Many of you are experiencing
daily that it truly is more blessed to give than to receive. It should
also be clear by now that we are only at the beginning of our
greatest responsibilities and our greatest expenses. Greater efforts
will be demanded of us. The transport to Paraguay has swallowed
up MCC’s total reserves.. It is still meeting its commitments in the
other countries where it is involved, but right now it recognizes
that its biggest challenge is helping our own destitute brethren find
new homes. There are still about §,000 men, women and children
from our brotherhood waiting anxiously for their opportunity to
leave Europe,

That will cost a lot of money. The danger exists that we will
think that now that the 2,300 are safely on their way, we can let
up in our giving. In our relief work, as in other Christian en-
deavours, tne crucial thing is perseverance. When the Volendam

E ulled away with 2303 rescued refugees, it wasn’t our sweat and
rains, but your prayers and gifts, that made it possible— prayers
that God honored and gifts that He blessed. In light of this, doesn’t
our Relief Work take on new relevance for you, dear brothers and
sisters?

As we look ahead we dare not let up. In faith we must con-
tinue to pray and give and work, regardless of the outcome. We as

153

Christians are in the enviable position of being able to do our part,
while leaving the consequences completely in God's hands, I would
like to thank the congregations in Western Canada in particular
for all the gifts that have flowed into the MCC through our Men-
nonite Central Relief Committee, Please continue to make your
contribution to this great work so that the account can be
replenished for the great tasks ahead. (MR 19 March 47 1)

He also added a more personal note:

What a comforting thought, in the midst of the bleak and
depressing surroundings in Germany, to be assured that back in
Canada is a home, with a wife ana children who are, humanly
speaking, reasonably secure, and from whom 1 can hear regular-
ly. How privileged we are over millions in Europe who have lost
everything and also been separated from their families and friends
through the tenors of the War and the Communist dictatorship in
the East. May God bless our homes in North America and help us
not to shy away from any sacrifice in helping them find a place of
peace and rest.

The grace of God has been evident during all the traveling
and in the many negotiations. There is so much yet that needs to
be done. If the Lord continues to grant health and strength, then
my stay at home will just be brief.

Greetings from all my fellow workers, from the refugees, and
from myself— and thankyou above all for your faithful intercession.
We are laborers together, with God. (MR 19 March 47 I)

Refugees Begin Arriving in Canada

Back at home In Canada, CF went through another round
of reporting in the churches, beginning again with a crowded
meeting at the South End MB Church in Winnipeg on Sunday
afternoon March 30. The brothers and sisters were thrilled to hear
first-hand about the miraculous Berlin exodus and other details
of the work. From Winnipeg he moved on to Rosthem, Saskatoon
and Hague, then to Steinbach and Altona, back again to Herbert,
and then on to Coaldale, Vancouver and Abbotsford. After a few
days home in Winnipeg, he flew to Washington, DC, where
together with William Snyder they approached External Affairs
about permission for refugees to enter the United States. Then
he reported in Kalona, Iowa, and at Goshen College in Indiana,
before moving up to Leamington. Vineland, and Kitchener, in On-

154

tario.

To CFs great delight the first five Russian Mennonite
refugees to come to Canada after World War II, arrived at the CPR
station in Winnipeg on April 13, 1947. They had come on the
Cunard liner the Aquitanla along with forty- seven other refugees.
CF was at the station with other brothers and sisters from the
Winnipeg and North Kildonan churches. The first one to arrive
was the seventy- four -year-old Heinrich Klassen and his daughter
Maria, A second daughter with four children was still waiting in
Germany. They were on their way to his son Julius Klassen in
Glenbush, Saskatchewan. The other three arrived on the next
train, a Jacob Quapp, twenty- five, with his two sisters Tina and
Maria. They were on their way to their brother David Quapp in
Yarrow; British Columbia. They had come from Rosenort in the
Molotschna. What a joy it was for CF to meet the first ones per-
sonally, It was a small beginning, compared to the 2,303 to
Paraguay, but it was a start and a great encouragement — forerun-
ners of the thousands that were to follow.

Very soon his seven weeks on this side of the Atlantic had
passed by, and his flight back to begin his third mission in
Europe, was scheduled for May 13. Just before leaving he sent
this request to the home congregations:

Dear brothers and sisters in North America, please pray that
God in His sovereignty will remove hindrances and open doors so
that thousands will be able to proceed to their destinations. All that
we have of material possessions is ours from God, so let’s pray that
God will enable us not only to give willingly, but even to sacrifice.
And please Intercede on behalfof our dear refugees who sailed on
the Volendam. First they were delayed in Buenos Aires, and now
they are being prevented from entering Paraguay because of politi-
cal unrest there. The MCC workers there, especially brother De-
Fehr, brother Warkentin, and the Dycks, uigently need your
prayers in tiying to deal with the many problems. May God be very
near to them.

My flight leaves at 3:00 a.m. on Tuesday May 13. It was a joy
to have met many of you personally on my reporting trips. Pray
that many of the refugees will be able to make their way to Canada
soon, where relatives wait with great anticipation for them, An Got-
tes Segen 1st aites gelegerf (everything hinges on God’s blessing),
(MR 14 May 47 1)

155

Chapter 13

PATIENCE TESTED

"... those who through Jaith and patience inherit the
promises " (Heb6;12J.

This third mission (13 May 47— 17 Oct 47) was to be a time
when CF’s patience was tried and tested to the uttermost. On
June 4 he wrote from Stuttgart,

Patient waiting is something l have to learn over and over
again. Proverbs 23: IS "Surely there is a future, and your hope will
not be cut off/' is a comfort to me. What is my waiting, compared
to the waiting of our refugees and the millions of other refugees?
Nothing." Faced by the immense cumbersome machinery of the im-
migration bureaucracy he felt helpless and at times became
depressed and temptedf to despair. He had an acute sense that the
prayers of God's people were the factor that often Upped the scales
of life and death decisions for the refugees. He was caught in an
unbearable place between the ‘rock 1 of afl too slowly moving official-
dom and the hard place 1 of suffering from which the refugees were
hying to emerge.

Recently I had a meeting with five hundred Mennonite
refugees, ana the day after a number of them were able to share
their personal stories with me. O the depth of need that some of
them have had to pass through! It defies description. Take the case
of BB, He was imprisoned together with seven of the neighbors from
his village. He told me their names. The verdict given by the judge
was, ‘Enemies of the people. 1 There was no trial, just repeated ac-
cusations and tortures. The hunger rations aren’t considered a
part of that; they are taken for granted. Diarrhea was epidemic and
weakened the emaciated prisoners to the point where they couldn’t
resist the fleas that covered them. Every day men were dying. One
after another his neighbors also died. He was sleeping with the last

156

of them under an old coat. With a weak voice, F said, ‘Let's pray. I
can't endure this any longer/ When BB awoke in the morning, his
dear neighbor lay motionless beside him— he had died during the
night. In the raw morning air BB felt very forsaken in his crowded
prison cell, with his last friend having succumbed to the inhuman
treatment inflicted on them by the heartless officials* BB could
hardly hold himself erect on his feeble legs so they released him to
die elsewhere— but he actually made it home. His wife and two
children were starving. The youngest saw him first, but was scared
off, unable to recognize its own father. BB couldn't continue the
story at that point. Tears were running down the haggard face of
this man, who looked much older than he really was.

A young man was assisting me with some small matters on
my car. I asked him if he had any relatives in Canada, and what
his family circumstances were. He didn't answer right away, but
then through tears and sobs I could make out* Wife and children
dragged back to Russia/

An elderly woman told me her story about how they had been
housed as refugees with another family near Berlin, One day while
they were sitting at table, a Russian soldier burst into the room,
and shot her husband in cold blood. Another woman at the table
was shot too. The bullet creased her skull and she slumped for-
ward her head falling into the plate out of which she had just been
eating. He shot her too, but the bullet Just went into her left
shoulder and shattered the bone. Their fourteen year old daughter
ducked under the table and was spared. Her husband died instant-
ly and she herself had to be hospitalized. Not long after that, her
twenty-four year old son Johann found his way to them, but came
down with a bad case of tuberculosis. The older boys, Peter and
Heinrich, were exiled while they were still in Russia and they have
heard nothing from them since. Only the mother and young
daughter finally made it to West Germany. Will their flight ever
end? Two brothers of her dead husband live in Canada, and would
gladly provide her with a place of rest in a land of peace- but when
will she be able to go?

These are just a few examples. What surprises me often is
the serene way m which these troubled people recount these ter-
rible experiences, and do so without a touch of hatred or a note of
despair. How true it is that God gives us a new nature and the
strength to bear the unbearable, (MR 18 June 47 1)

As he carried these sufferings on his heart it seemed to CF
that no effort on his part was too great* neither could the help he
was requesting from government agencies be considered any
hardship compared with such stories of agony. The frustration
he felt at the slowness of Canada's capacity to absorb new im-

157

migrants is easy to understand. Though there were various politi-
cal factors contributing to this, for OF it was heart-rending to real-
ize that the country that had been for him such a haven in time
of need was now proving cold and indifferent to the plight of this
new group of refugees. In a rare burst of righteous Indignation he
wrote to T,0,F* Herzer on June 19,

The slowness is dally costing a number of lives among the
refugees here— some through suicide, some tuberculosis and other
diseases, some through under -nourishment. If only we could en-
courage them to hold on. Their relatives write them from Canada
that our immigration officials have already approved their applica-
tion and that they will be called before the Canadian inspection
teams any day. But here— nothing happens for months, because
copies of the approved applications have not been received. They
should be mailed from Ottawa by air, in spite of the extra postage.
Doesn't anybody feel any responsibility for the lives lost over here,
merely on account of the slowness of procedure of government
machlneiy? We have been telling the refugees, that our democratic
government cares and will see to it that they find refuge within its
boundaries* But what do we have to prove this? Poor snow indeed!
Are we so far advanced in cruelty that human life means so little
to us? Have we become indifferent to all the misery and unspeak-
able suffering here? One could feel like throwing a bomb into the
still waters of the self-contented and overfed masses in North
America, in order to arouse them! (Epp 386).

It is significant to note that for CF the 'loss of human life'
referred to was no empty statistic— each case was a face with a
name and a story personally related. This passionate plea for
mercy came at a time when the world had finally awakened to the
precise and full extent of horror and heartlessness that had
characterized the Jewish holocaust. In the annals of human his-
tory, this little group of wandering Mennonites could be thankful
that they were granted men to stand in the gap for them and plead
their cause effectively. They could indeed thank God for CF’s
tenacity.

Shortly afterward CF’s indignation gave way to a resigned
realism as he realized his patience was going to be tested yet fur-
ther. He would have to cancel the ship that had been promised
for July, This was largely because of incredibly slow processing
methods, particularly by the Canadian immigration in Germany.
Despite CF*s efforts which included telegrams to Ottawa and sug-

158

gestions of solutions to re-categorize refugees to facilitate the
process, too few would be ready for travel by July.

I can’t express in words how badly I feel about canceling the
ship. At a time when eveiy place on a ship to North America is
priceless, that we should have to forego this opportunity just be-
cause of the slowness of the governmental machinery, is hard to
take. Having just had an opportunity again to visit with many
refugees, and having seen on their faces signs of the bitter ex-
periences they’ve endured, and having heard them tell of their
homeland ana of their frightening escape, and being aware of how
their families have been torn asunder, and how fear rises in them
at the thought of being sentenced to remain another winter in war-
torn Germany, then one is tempted to become angry and to sin.
(MR 16 July 47 1)

CF had exhorted the churches back home to a renewed com-
mitment to uphold the work in Europe in prayer. Now he asked
himself why those prayers were not yielding more fruit. He had
seen God act before. Why now the impasse?

I asked myself repeatedly last winter why it is that God having
begun to open the door for refugees to Canada, doesn’t throw it
wide open in response to the many prayers that are rising to Him.
Are there not enough clean hearts and pure hands? For they alone
can truly intercede. Is God waiting for us in our congregations in
Canada to repent? Would that open heaven’s gates? I nave a strong
feeling that in the next few weeks something significant must come
to pass. The same God who helped us so amazingly a few months
ago in Berlin and Bremerhaven is still with us. (MR 16 July 47 6)

Faced with the ever growing numbers crowding into West
Germany, the thirty successful immigrants to Canada seemed
pitifully few, yet he did not neglect to give thanks even for these.
M But what are they," he asked, "in comparison to the 8,500
anxiously waiting?” He encouraged himself that the new camps
at Gronau and Backnang were now well equipped to shelter these
and provide them with the necessary food and clothing. At least
in this capacity the hearts of mercy of the home churches were
not fettered, and their provision did not go unappreciated.
Regular worship services in the camps attested to this.

Two new tasks presented themselves into which to channel
his frustrated energies. One was the prospect of a possible ship-

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ment of refugees to the United States, sponsored by the MCC.
This he would pursue in Berlin. The other was the processing of
about thirty relatives to join the Paraguayan group as soon as
things settled down there. The external problem of the political
revolution in Paraguay, brought internal problems to the surface
among the Volendam refugees. Although in Germany they had all
promised to go to Paraguay, now 135 decided to stay in Buenos
Aires, another twenty-two would stay with the intention of get-
ting to the United States, and ten with the intention of getting to
Canada. Another ninety-seven stayed in Asuncion, awaiting an
opportunity to join relatives in Canada or Brazil. All this made
Peter Dyck wonder whether they shouldn’t have screened them
more carefully, which is what they did in the months to come.
Not being as directly involved, CF was pleased that almost 90%
remained true to their promise.

Most of them survived the tests they went through, and have
arrived safely in Paraguay. A small group gave brother DeFehr and
the Peter Dycks a rough time. A Mennonite committee will not be
spared sucn experiences. We judge no one. God who searches the
hearts of men knows what motivated the leaders of the splinter
group. May His grace prevent them from losing their way and losing
out altogether. Those who went on with the MCC will need the grace
of God in their pioneering efforts in a strange environment. We trust
that this unpleasant incident will not hinder our congregations in
Canada from their wholehearted support of our relief work.

Faith Conferences

Although CF spent much of the summer traveling from of-
fice to office making representations for the refugees to the
authorities In Geneva, Lausanne, Stuttgart, Hamburg, London,
and Frankfurt, another matter was on his heart, which enabled
him to redeem the time while patiently waiting for a breakthrough
in the refugee work. This had to do with the six month assign-
ment that his friend Harold Bender was serving In Europe, and
that culminated in the ' Hosier Giaubenskonfereru f* (Faith Con-
ference in Basel) August 16-17, 1947, Although CF was In Europe
because of the refugees, his presence brought him into a very
close and significant relationship with Mennonites of Europe, and

160

it was to them that he was now able to devote some concentrated
time.

Klassen and Bender’s friendship, as we’ve seen, went back
to 1929. Bender, from his background in Anabaptist studies, and
Klassen from his active involvement with the Mennonite leaders
in Europe, shared a common vision for the spiritual renewal of
the Mennonite churches in Europe. When Bender came to Europe
in May, they planned a series of Faith Conferences to draw
together the Mennonites and to encourage them in the Lord. Klas-
sen himself was inspired by Bender's mastery of the biblical and
historical materials, and Bender was impressed with the respect
and trust that Klassen had earned among the Mennonite leaders
through his tireless efforts on behalf of the refugees and his ob-
vious love and loyalty to the larger brotherhood. Their initial plan
was for three conferences, one in Holland, one in Basel and one
in Denmark, and the hope was that they could become annual
events.

The Conference in Elspeet, Holland, May 15-18, 1947, was
the first international Mennonite gathering to take place after the
War. One hundred and fifty delegates gathered at the Mennonite
center, with representations from Switzerland, France, the USA,
and Canada. The largest representation was obviously from Hol-
land, which was strengthened by the presence of some outstand-
ing younger leaders. The German representation didn’t receive
their visas on time and their absence was noticeable. From one
standpoint it was a mercy, since Dutch animosity against Ger-
mans because of what they had suffered at their hands during
the war was not yet fully healed. The focus of the Conference was
on reports from the different countries bringing each other up to
date on the state of the Mennonite churches. Some inspirational
addresses were also given on the nature and mission of the
church— Bender's speciality. He challenged them with his em-
phasis on biblical discipleship.

The second of the Conferences was the one In Basel August
16-17, meeting in the two Mennonite churches, Holee and
Schaenzli. The expressed purpose, under the theme "Jesus Christ
our Lord,” was to fellowship together as brothers from different
countries, to be strengthened in the faith and be built up through
the Word of God and prayer, and to bring glory to God. In the

161

reports from different countries it became apparent that there
was a growing longing to know Christ better and to experience
spiritual renewal in their congregations. Bender delivered a key-
note address on Saturday night regarding the question 'What is
the Church of Christ?" He stressed the fact that the Church is
the visible gathering of saints who have come to newness of life
in Christ. The Sunday morning theme was "Saved to Serve," and
in the afternoon Rev. H.H. Janzen from the MB Bible College in
Winnipeg spoke on "Our missionary mandate." In the evening,
Dr. Henry A. Fast, from Bethel College in Newton. Kansas, spoke
on "Non-Resistance among the Mennonites of North America."

It was at a leaders’ meeting just prior to this conference, that
Bender and Klassen first spoke openly about their vision for a
European Mennonite Bible School. Their desire was not for a
seminary to train pastors, but for a place where Mennonite youth
from all the different countries and regions of Europe could come
together to be grounded in the faith and in their spiritual heritage.
As we will see, this vision did not fall on deaf ears.

The third in the series of conferences was in Denmark. CF
was not able to work together with Bender at this last one. Be-
cause of the circumstances of the refugees this conference moved
from the Oxboel Camp, on to the camps in Aalborg, Grove, and
Rye. A serious spiritual hunger was manifested at these meet-
ings, and it seemed that Bender was well received. Elder Bruno
Ewert spoke on "The Gospel as the Power of God," and Elder
Bruno Enns on being "New Creatures in Christ.” The conferen-
ces ended with a challenging sermon by Bender on "The Biblical
Basis of Non-Resistance." Although Danzig Mennonites no longer
held to this principle in practice, many repented of their indif-
ference and blindness and once again heard their Lord saying
"Love your enemies."

One month after the Basel Conference on September 12 CF
had a bad car accident while driving at night between Karlsruhe
and Frankfurt. He had picked up a hitch-hiker, as he often did,
and in the fog and rain plowed into the back of a farmer's slow
moving vehicle that had no lights on it. His leg and chest were
badly bruised, but he was released from hospital after a thorough
examination. The hitch-hiker didn’t fare as well and had to
remain In hospital. CF took a real interest in him and came a

162

number of times to visit him and to help him. Two days later he
himself was on the way to Amsterdam for further meetings, and
from there went back again to Geneva.

Processing Accelerating

By October 1947 the trickle of refugees to Canada began to
increase considerably. One hundred and eighteen left Buchholz
near Hannover on their way to Canada and more were to be ex-
pected. CF encouraged himself and the ’Rundschau’ readers with
John 16:33. "In the world you have tribulation; but be of good
cheer, I have overcome the world."

What comfort we find in these words of our Lord and Master.
Especially for our refugees, their relatives, and for us who are com-
mitted to this work. In the spring of this year we had planned that
by Christmas at least 3,000 of our refugees would have come to
Canada. That plan was frustrated. The International Relief Or-
ganization (IRO), that was commissioned by a number of countries
to oversee the transport of refugees to the new world, not only was
slow in coming into being, but has been struggling ever since to
really get established. This has taken months and is still not com-
pleted. International machineiy runs slowly, laboriously. On top
of this, is the fact that our refugees are not in camps sponsored by
UNRRA or IRO, and consequently fall outside their mandate. This
was different in the case of the IGCR which had studied our case
and decided that being of Dutch descent we did come under their
mandate. We thanked God for this and were hopeful.

The beautiful summer months passed by. The IRO was get-
ting organized; officials came and went. The bureaucracy kept
stalling, despite sincere efforts to speed up the processing and
transporting. The leading figures continued to be well-disposed
towards us. The headquarters were moved from London to Geneva.
We always get a good hearing from them.

At times there are minor officials who are anything but help-
ful, and can allow their suspicions to really drive our refugees into
a comer. Because of their great fear of falling back into the hands
of their persecutors, some of our refugees nave understandably
been ambiguous in their answers and this has compounded their
problems.

To begin with the Canadian Immigration offices in Germany
were overstaffed, due to the fact that IRO was so slow. But when
Canada opened its doors wider to include forestry and mine

163

workers, and tailors and workers In heavy Industry, suddenly there
was a shortage of officials and vehicles. The director has always
been friendly toward us but it is not within his power to make any
substantial change to speed up the flow of refugees to Canada.

We must be grateful to Ottawa for having decided in favor of
most of the relatives who have applied for their loved ones to come.
For some reason, however, these forms were slow in coming during
the summer. They seem to have been given second place to the
farm and mine workers. (MR 29 October 47 1)

In encouraging the relatives of those awaiting immigration
clearance CF realized he needed to be an example of patient per-
severance. He repented of his earlier impatience. "I have become
quite impatient in the last while; and I’m ashamed of it. When I
escaped with my life in that serious car accident in September, I
was deeply humbled by God’s grace. It was a serious word to me."
He then goes on to exhort Canadian relatives to stand with him
in encouraging those in the camps to hold steady. He writes, "I
realize that isn’t easy. The heat and drought of last summer is
going to make for an even tougher winter. Politically speaking the
prospects are also bleak with the heightening tension between
East and West and the rebirth of the Communist International.
We as Christians must remind ourselves that Jesus is Lord and
that He has overcome the world and has promised to remain with
us to the end."

He further acquainted the Canadian brotherhood with the
possibility of the two shipments to the United States and
Paraguay. Already his concerns about the larger contingents to
this country were evident. When they were finally directed to
Paraguay, he did not minimize the enormous challenges this
presented and the sense of disappointment it was to many after
hoping to go to Canada.

CF was therefore not surprised when on arrival at the MCC
executive meeting in Chicago on October 17 he was asked to take
a trip to Paraguay to see first hand the conditions and cir-
cumstances facing the refugees on arrival in their new homeland.
From Chicago he headed back to Winnipeg and home. The next
day he was already at the CPR station with Peter Dyck, J. J. Thies-
sen, and T.O.F. Herzer meeting a group of about thirty refugees
who were just arriving. And once more there was a public meet-

164

ing at the South End MB church where CF reported on all that
had transpired In Europe since he was last with them. Two days
later he was in Laird, Saskatchewan for the ordination of his
brother-in-law Peter J. Dyck as an Elder in the General Con-
ference Mennonite Church. CF cherished the contribution that
Peter and Elfrieda were making in the work with the refugees and
was proud to be present on this important occasion.

165

Chapter 14

THE PARAGUAYAN TRIP

" „ in journey ings often..." (2 Corinthians 1 1:26).

Returning to Europe In early November 1947 on his fourth
mission (8 November 47— 27 July 48) was unusually difficult for
CF. He was overtired and was beginning to feel anxious about all
the complex arrangements for the Paraguay trip. Travel in the
post-War world with all the complexities of military and visa
restrictions was very difficult and time consuming. The pressure
of meetings and late nights was taking its toll on his energy. At
such times the wrench of leaving his wife and family yet again
was harder than ever. The usual last minute rush of packing ac-
complished, Mary, Herb and Irmy accompanied him to Winnipeg
airport where his brother Frank and family also joined them to
say farewell. November 6 he wrote in his diary, 'This departure
was more difficult for me than usual. The pressures of the im-
pending work lay heavy upon me. There was also the family’s plan
to move to British Columbia and the debts this could incur. May
God be gracious to me and my family,'’ (Diary 2)

Arriving in London on November 9 he was still not feeling
well and had trouble sleeping. "I don’t feel well” he wrote, "it’s my
heart.,,. I also miss Mary and the children so much that I am
quite unhappy," Sleeplessness continued and he tells of another
disturbed night; "My heart is acting up again, I recited the 23
Psalm endlessly and prayed." (Diary 4) He was probably not in
the best state of health to embark on the long arduous prepara-
tions and trip to South America. But he had made a commitment

166

to his people and felt the task before him was an important one.
Others had far more rigorous journeys to endure. So he gathered
his strength and pressed on with the matters demanding his at-
tention.

One of these was to look into providing transportation for
the next ship load to Paraguay. This took him to Rotterdam where
he met with Peter and Elfrieda Dyck newly arrived from the United
States on the ship Westerdam. They went together to the
Paraguayan Consulate to pick up his visa for the trip. CF writes,

The Consul had my visa ready and spoke appreciatively about
the first ship load of refugees to South America. The *Volendam’
had been clean, but these passengers had left it cleaner than they
found it. Argentina would gladly have kept these people there. The
Consul, a Christian, was very interested in the outcome of this
movement. (Diary 16)

On November 30 CF arrived in Paris by train for his depar-
ture to South America. Political unrest and a general strike in the
city, confusion as to tickets and visa requirements, plus delays
due to a severe fog, all contributed to CF feeling very depressed
and wondering if he should cancel the whole trip. He cried out to
God in the midst of the ‘terrible uncertainty’ he was feeling, and
quieted his soul.

December 1 he wrote in his diary.

Paris is in fog, and at a political deadend; everything’s uncer-
tain; the strike is spreading. Our six storey hotel is without water,
light, and elevators. Climbing stairs is difficult. A few years ago I
used to run up stairs. Am becoming older. I was at Air France at
8:30 a.m. Nothing flying today either. Terrible. Ticket still not cer-
tain. Pan American Airlines hesitates to provide a Rio-Asuncion
ticket without confirmation from Zurich that the money has been
paid. In addition. Air France thinks I need a Brazilian visa. I have
no passport photos and photographers are on strike. Through the
police we finally find an automat. They took me there and in eight
minutes I had six photos for forty francs (officially $1.00 =117
francs) in which they thought I resembled Roosevelt! Ha. Quickly
went to the Brazilian Consulate. The visa cost 500 francs. For-
tunately I had been vaccinated against smallpox in Frankfurt, and
had my eyes examined for trachoma. The papers helped me, and I
obtained the visa. I ran around in Paris until my feet were sore,

167

and my right knee bothered me badly. This result of my auto ac-
cident will probably last. In the evening I worked using a small
smoky candle which quickly burned low. Went to bed at 9:00 p.m.
Couldn't read; couldn't sleep. No water. Everything in Paris con-
tinues on strike. How will things workout tomorrow? Spoke to Atlee
in Basel and asked him to cable William Snyder that I will only be
able to leave Rio for Asuncion on Monday, December 8. (Diaiy 20-
21 )

Because of all the delays and confusion OF was forced to
stay in Rio de Janiero longer than he planned thus missing the
planned meeting in Asuncion. This frustrated him immensely and
severely tested his patience. He so much wanted to be with the
Mennonites on the colonies and get on with his purpose for com-
ing. MCC had approved the plan for 2,500 refugees to go to the
Paraguayan Chaco with Femheim and Menno colonies each
taking 800. The enforced wait in Rio, however, had one good
aspect; it enabled him to get some rest, which God knew he sore-
ly needed. Once he arrived in Asuncion the pace would become
very stressful again, so at least for a brief weekend he could regain
some strength.

Arriving in Asuncion on Tuesday, December 9 he was met
by the DeFehrs and Orie Miller, The plans for travel during the
ensuing days Included chartered planes, trucks, jeeps and some
foot travel. Road and weather conditions were very taxing with
extremes of heat and cold (Orie Miller suffered severe sun-bum
CF records In his diary). Sometimes the vehicles were delayed,
got stuck In the mud or broke down. Yet this was a chance for
the North American brethren to share the life conditions and chal-
lenges of the colonists.

Unfortunately travel delays and complications made it im-
possible for CF to actually visit the new Volendam colony, named
after the ship. But he was able to fly low over the colony and
deliver a letter dropped by parachute— the handkerchief of MCC
worker, brother Warkentin! The excited and wildly waving settlers
below were the closest view he got of that first band of refugees
whose miraculous journey he had prayed so hard for just a year
ago.

CF's diary reports frankly some of the more down-to-earth
aspects of the trip. These Included very hot days, shivering nights
sharing a bed and blanket with Orie, swollen ankles, sore knees

168

and his unstable heart. This was no tourist pleasure trip, and the
diary reveals the human side of CF as he struggled to place his
life at the service of others. His trip also gave him opportunity to
see at first hand the problems of leadership encountered by the
new colonies. Ever a shrewd judge of character CF could already
sense some of the difficulties that would face the settlers in the
future. He already knew who could be trusted and who should
be watched carefully.

Yet his report back to the Rundschau January 4, 1948, writ-
ten on his return flight is characteristically positive,

I had read a lot about Paraguay and had studied the
newspaper reports in great detail, ana now I was interested to see
how close the facts resembled the mental picture I had formed. It
was hot all right, but not hotter than I had imagined for this time
of year. The roads, however, were worse than I had imagined and
the Chaco bush thornier. But the colonies, however, were substan-
tially better than I had imagined.

Brother Orie Miller and I were flown from Asuncion to Fort
Comacho and from there taken by truck, till we got stuck. For us
it was no great hardship for we got out and walked the last eight
kilometers to Village No. 10. We turned in at the first farmyard
which happened to be that of the Peter Neudorfs. I was surprised
by the nicety furnished home with a hard, smooth clay floor. Next
to it on the same yard there was another friendly looking home
built in preparation for the coming refugees. I greet the Neudorfs
in this way and thank them again for the friendly reception, the
tasty supper, and the delightful watermelon.

The center of the town of Philadelphia also surprised me. I
had not thought it would be quite as well developed. As we drew
closer to Philadelphia in the late evening I was surprised too by the
electric lights. They can be proud too, even by American standards,
of the church buildings they’ve erected there and in Village No. 16.

I was very sorry that I had so little time. I would so much have
liked to spend more time fellowshiping with the brethren and hear-
ing more out of their rich store of experiences. The difficult pioneer-
ing years have left their stamp on them.

As we flew over the villages of the Femheim Colony on our
way back to Asuncion my thoughts drifted back to 1930 when the
first refugees left Moscow on their long journey to Paraguay. It took
them over Moelln, Hammerstein ana Prentzlau; places they will
never forget. They went to Paraguay, because there was nowhere
else they could go. They receiveait out of God’s hand. In the Chaco

169

they had to struggle for their existence* They went at it with deter-
mination and the Lord helped them. They hadn't the faintest idea
then that sixteen years later they would be able to open their hearts
and homes to a new influx of refugees. They had to squeeze closer
together to make room for them and had to exercise a lot of
patience* but they not only did it* they've now declared themselves
willing to receive another 800— who should be arriving early in
1948,

There are already about 8*000 Mennonites in Paraguay, and
with the new group coming it will exceed 1 0*000, Do we as a larger
Mennonite body have a responsibility in Paraguay? I believe we ao*
as did some of our forebears 150 years ago when they built their
little sod huts on the bare steppes of Russia* and over 1 50 years
ago in the US* and seventy years ago in Canada,

But why exactly Paraguay * many a person will ask? Anywhere
rather than Paraguay* others will say* Why was it Russia 1 50 years
ago, where now for the past thirty years they have been persecuted
and oppressed? Why to Canada seventy years ago from where some
have emigrated to Mexico and Paraguay?

From a human point of view Canada would be preferred by
many to Paraguay; but why compare the two today when the choice
does not exist for many?

Our people have proved that one can do more than just exist
in Paraguay* The progress and development of the Colonies in
Paraguay is indisputable, God has blessed the hard work* done
literally by the sweat of their brows. Things will improve even more
once they can process their own cotton. This is one of the most ur-
gent challenges facing them. Brothers Orie Miller* DeFehr and
Warkentin are devising a plan to market their products and receive
essential goods in return. May God's blessing attend their efforts*

The MCC has developed an Experimental Farm in the Chaco.
Menno Klassen* an agriculturalist* is attacking the challenge of
plant selection and pest control with great enthusiasm and skill*
This will be of great significance to the colonies in the long run.
Brother Orie Miller hasheen able to interest Mr, Casado in the ex-
perimental farm and he is also prepared to support it flnacially*

Transportation is one of the biggest problems and the postal
system and telegraph also leave much to be desired. Fernheim
Colony has developed its own telephone system and soon all its vil-
lages will be hooked into one system. The MCC is planning to es-
tablish radio -telephone connection with Asuncion that will link all
five colonies. At least at certain times of the day quick contact be-
tween all the colonies will be possible. This will help to overcome
the feeling of being Isolated and cut off from the rest of the world,
God's further guidance and blessing are much needed. AH told* I

170

was left with the strong impression that the colonies of Paraguay
have a future. (MR 4 January 48 1)

CF concluded his report by challenging the Mennonite con-
ferences in North America in their spiritual responsibility for the
South American colonies. One Conference had already sent B.B.
Janz, a brother who had extensive experience in congregational
and conference matters, to South America and God had visibly
blessed his ministry. "This seventy year old brother has allowed
himself to be used of God to untie some knots that were constrict-
ing the spiritual life amongst our brethren in the South. We in
North America and those in South America are grateful to him for
this service." (MR 4 January 48 1)

Reflections While Traveling

In the midst of his busy life of activity, opportunities for quiet
reflection were few and far between for CF. A rare opportunity
presented itself on the long flight back to Paris. Flying across
North Africa he began to think about the world he found himself
serving. The panorama of human need and geographical diver-
sity somehow impressed him and his reflections reveal a rare mo-
ment of awareness of the richness of the creation and of the
challenges of the troubled post-war world.

From Dakar we headed north along the coast toward
Casablanca. At times we couldn't see the ocean. Strange terrain.
For hours nothing other than desert wastes. Am 1 glad that we can
fly over it rather than traverse it on foot or by cameL One sees many
sand dunes formed by the wind, but senses how transient it all is
and how the next storm will completely alter the face of the desert.
Long stretches are completely flat. Then again there are hills, one
right next to the other. If they had alternating colors one would get
the impression of looking down on a patchwork blanket, as is so
often the case when looking down from an airplane. Now and then
one sees what looks like a lonely fortress, without a tree or shrub
around it. How terrible to be assigned to a place like that on some
kind of term of service.

As I allow some of the places the Lord has taken me to, to
pass before my mind's eye I am amazed. What a great God we
nave— and to think that we can call Him our God, it almost seems
presumptuous. There is Vancouver, so beautifully nestled along

171

the Pacific, washed by white caps that surge ahead and then
hesitate and slip back; then the Rocky mountains that in their
romantic grandeur have, as it were, challenged young and old with
their primeval beauty, unsullied by human hand; then the never-
ending stretch of prairie in its white winter dress resembling a
young bride with only an occasional farm and dark patch of trees
and small town with its grain elevators disturbing the uniformity;
then Ontario beginning with the stony bleakness of the great
Canadian shield hut then changing into blooming orchards and
beautiful cities along lakes Erie ana Ontario; then Quebec with its
old-world flavor ana its wealth of untapped resources.

Then comes the Atlantic, at times looking like a great mirror
broken only by some iceberg, at other times so tempestuous that
the largest ocean liner is tossed about like a nutshell (the ocean
that IVe crossed now fives times by ship and nine times by air).
Then we come to England, with its outstandingly beautiful
countryside, a nation held together by its rich traditions, and now,
however, as an ex-world power struggling for its own survival; then
across to the European continent that is bleeding profusely from
the wounds of war, and to Germany lying in ruins cut off from its
eastern half by an iron curtain behind which ruthless communist
dictatorships reign supreme, stretching all the way east through
China to the Pacific, And that's just skimming over the earth north
of the equator. Just think of the masses of mankind south of the
equator, and their unique development. How large the world is, and
yet how small. Twenty-four hours ago in Paraguay I didn't know
now to protect myself from the extreme heat, whereas tomorrow in
Paris I'm really going to miss my warm underwear!

Nature in all its glory and in its amazing detail is an indis-
putable witness to its Creator, ruler and sustainer. Every bird in
the air, every fish in the sea, every grain of sand on the seashore
and in the vast desert we're just crossing, every flower in the field,
they all bear witness to Him, their great creator. And yet there are
more people in the world who don't acknowledge Him as such, than
there are those who bow down and worship Him, Hard to under-
stand, Most people don't want to give Him the honor due Him, nor
leave to Him the wrath He has reserved for Himself, How sad, (Diary
58 - 63 )

On the last day of the year, on the train between Paris and
Frankfurt* while traveling through badly flooded areas, he wrote.

With the tracks submerged in places* who knows how far I
will get today, and where I'll spend New Year's Eve. Again we've
come to the last day of a year. In retrospect I must say I'm ashamed
of all the defeats and of the many missed opportunities to witness

172

for my Lord, in deed and in truth. Nothing that's happened can be
reversed, absolutely nothing. If only one could. But that is not to
be. But as Christians we can come under the Cross and bring
everything to Him, our High Priest and Redeemer, and can ask for
His forgiveness. He has promised to cast our sins behind Him and
never remember them again. What infinite grace to know that one
is a forgiven sinner, and as such can bid the old year farewell and
confidently enter the new. What a privilege! (Diary 64-65)

More Transports

Early in the new year CF had to proceed to the Hague in the
Netherlands where he completed the arrangements for the
‘General Heinzelmann’ for 860 refugees sometime in the second
half of February. The ‘Johann de Witt* would be available after
April 15 and could transport about 750 passengers. From there
it was back down to Geneva to negotiate with the IRO, and up to
Stuttgart to see the Canadian immigration commission. He also
checked in at Backnang and Gronau where the actual process-
ing and preparations were proceeding at full tempo.

In Geneva he picked up the New York Times and was inter-
ested to see how it reported MCC's plans to send another 1 ,600
refugees to Paraguay. It read:

PARAGUAY TO GAIN 1,600 MENNONITES. World Refugee
Body to move Minority that migrated from Russia to Holland. Some
1,600 Russian Mennonite refugees, descendants of a people who
have been wanderers for 400 years, will be moved from German
camps to Paraguay early this year by the Preparatory Commission
of the IRO.

The latest migration of this often-persecuted religious group
has been made possible because of the painstaking research of a
Netherlands girl staff member, Johanna Hogerzell. Sne established
that the refugees were of Netherland rather than of German eth-
nic origin. The refugee organization cannot under its constitution
resettle persons of German ethnic origin.

About 10,000 Mennonites were swept into Germany from
Russia with the retreating German armies. They were the remains
of the once large colonies that migrated to Russia in the late 18th
century, when they were encouraged to come by Catherine II. Their
advanced agricultural methods made them specially desirable
colonists at a time when vast unsettled areas of the Russian step-
pes were being colonized by the Imperial government.

173

Under the Soviet regime the Mennonites were at first allowed
to continue their separate community religious life. In the last ten
years, however, many of their ancient privileges have been overrid-
den, and thousands were executed or sent to Siberia during the
purges of the 1930s.

Because the Mennonites entered Russia from Germany in the
18th century, most of them have names apparently of German
origin. Miss Hogerzell, however, remembered having read some-
thing about the Mennonites* origin in the Netherlands and Fries-
land (at that time one of the several provinces later to become the
United Netherlands) in the 16th century*

On a special trip to Amsterdam early last year, she tracked
down in the garret of an old church a doctor's thesis that pointed
the way to indisputable sources proving the non-German origin of
the Russian colonists.

Their wanderings began when, In the middle of the 16 th cen-
tury, religious persecution by Spain which then governed the Low
Countries, forced the Mennonites to emigrate. They settled in
north-east Germany, around Marienburg and Danzig, where for
200 years they prospered as farmers, using the Low Countries*
methods to drain swamps and to reclaim land....

There is already a colony of Mennonites in Paraguay, as well
as colonies In Nebraska, Kansas, the Dakotas, Manitoba, British
Columbia and Ontario, As has often been done In past centuries,
the older residents will play host to the newcomers, and a new
chapter In the history of this people will begin.

On February 25, 1948, another big day in the refugee work
had arrived. The second large group, only 860 this time, were
leaving for Paraguay, accompanied by Elfrieda Dyck, alone this
time. It was just over a year ago that the Volendam* had sailed
with the first shipload. This time it was the ‘General Heinzelmann*
and CF was in Bremerhaven to see them off. All the prayers and
the hard work seemed worth it as the ship pulled out and another
group of dear brothers and sisters were heading to safety and a
new homeland.

But the group of 758 refugees ready to sail for Paraguay on
May 17, again escorted by Elfrieda Dyck, made refugee history in
a different way. The first two sailings had their share of problems
enroute, but they were minor compared to that of the ‘Charlton
Monarch. 1 On this fateful voyage almost everything that could go
wrong did go wrong, First of all there was a strike among the crew,

174

and half of them abandoned the ship when it docked briefly in
Rotterdam, Then there were mechanical breakdowns at sea that
brought the ship to a standstill and, because the refrigeration
units stopped working, caused most of the food to spoil. This
meant that the food was not only in short supply, but what was
left was partially spoiled. This led to illness breaking out among
crew and passengers, and Elfrieda Dyck's nursing background
was really put to the test. She reports,

Among our worst days were those during the time when we
were lying at anchor at St, Vincent, Cape Verde Islands. It was then
that about 80% of the passengers developed acute diarrhea accom-
panied by severe abdominal cramps and temperature. During this
illness the people could not partake of their meals and many of
them lost considerable weight. The IRO doctor stated that the
cause of this epidemic was food poisoning. The British ship's doc-
tor did not agree with this, claiming it was due to the change of air
and water. Light is thrown on the subject however by the met that
none of our children under two years of age were affected, and I
firmly believe that the reason for this was that my own nurses
prepared and cooked all the food for our babies. Whatever the
cause may have been, the fact remains that our people suffered
severely. I have seen big men lying on their cots in agony, women
moaning and groaning with pain, children crying with it, and some
men ana women fainting because of the pain (Epp 389).

Under these circumstances discouragement was rampant
too. Finally the ship had to be towed into port at Recife in Brazil.
From here after much discussion back and forth, it was decided
to fly all the refugees to Asuncion. It was with a great sense of
relief and gratitude to God that Elfrieda headed back for Europe—
but even her return flight became unduly complicated and she
was routed over Panama. CF certainly had reason to be proud of
his sister!

With plans to send about 500 refugees on the Volendam' to
Canada early in June (plans that were frustrated on every hand),
there was no thought that CF would be able to join his family in
their move from Winnipeg, Manitoba to Abbotsford, British
Columbia in early May,

The June 1 1 sailing of the ‘Volendairf did go forward, but
with only 277 refugees, rather than the 500, as planned. CF was
there at Bremerhaven when it left, along with Peter and Elfrieda

175

Dyck, and J. J. Thiessen, the new chairman of the Canadian Men-
nonite Board of Colonization who had taken over from David
Toews when he passed away in February 1947. Thiessen had ar-
rived In May and CF spent much of June and July escorting him
to the different refugee camps, where he preached and counselled
and became familiar with the people and the procedures of the
great refugee work.

176

Chapter 15

CHANGES AT HOME AND
ABROAD

"redeeming the time.." (Eph 5:1).

In CFs absence, arrangements for the Klassen family move
to BC had fallen largely on Mary’s shoulders. She managed to
get a box car through the family’s connections with the CPR, and
with a truck from the DeFehrs* her sons were able to load most
of their belongings. Mary and the four children then took what
was left and traveled by day coach to Mission BC, arriving there
on May 4, 1948.

CFs brother Nick was there to meet them along with some
other associates of CF from the Reiseschuld days. One of them,
David Rempel* a dairy farmer, had purchased a house and proper-
ty on their behalf* for them to move into on arrival. It was located
halfway between Abbotsford and Chilliwack just off the main
Trans-Canada highway on seventy-eight acres. It was a nicer
house than they were used to and Mary was a little uneasy about
the size of the debt. Rempel thought the place would soon begin
to pay for itself and with this in mind seven acres of strawberries
were planted on the flat land alongside the Sumas River. Mr.
Rempel also arrived one morning with a cow t that he thought
would help to keep down the grocery bills* The boys were eager
to try their hand at milking the cow and hoeing the strawberries*
but they all had plans to go on with their university studies so
the long range plans for farming were hardly realistic.

177

One month after their arrival the Fraser River overflowed its
banks and many Mennonite farmers on Sumas prairie were
flooded out. A number of CFs friends brought all their household
belongings up to his place since it was on higher ground. Any
further decisions about the place would have to wait until CF was
able to break away from his work in Europe.

It was on July 27, that CF was finally able to tear himself
away and return home. On the flight from Frankfurt to Montreal
he wrote.

It's a strange feeling to board an airplane on this side, straight
out of the midst of one's work, to keep writing on the plane and
before one knows it to land in Montreal, be hurried onto another
flight heading west, in order to see one's family briefly after a nine-
month separation. It's hard to get used to the pace, and to the fact
that my new address now is Abbotsford, not Winnipeg.

On July 29th, the Tabinta' will land in Quebec with another
195 of our refugees, including the well-known Tante Helene Baerg/

90 years old. Interesting that she will be settling down in our
former home Winnipeg.

In Rotterdam they assured us of 250 places on the ‘Kota In ten*
for August 10th, and another 200 on the Tabinta' following that,

I hope and trust we will have sufficient refugees ready to fill all
these places.

We had set ourselves the goal of at least 3,000 refugees com-
ing to Canada in 1948, and it looks as if with God's help we are
going to make it. If at all possible we will send even more. And
this, despite all the difficulties we are plagued with. We have so
much reason to thank the Lord, *with hearts and hands and voices,*
and to pray that soon the last of the refugees will be on their way.
Pray especially for those detained for medical reasons, that the
Lora will be glorified in their waiting.

There was much excitement when CF arrived at his new
home. The house was beautifully located with a southern ex-
posure on a shoulder of Sumas Mountain. It was a one-storey
ranch style home with plenty of room. The family had enjoyed
their three months there and had made new friends at the Yar-
row Mennonite Church. CF himself had many friends there. In
the thirties Yarrow was the largest, most flourishing Mennonite
community in BC, Unfortunately its location was not very con-

178

venient for air travel, being about an hour and a half by car from
the Vancouver airport. Yarrow had no bus connections. Two of
his sons planned to be at the University of British Columbia in
Vancouver in the fall.

Fourth Mennonite World Conference

Some further decisions would have to be made, but in the
meanwhile CF needed to leave by car for the Mennonite World
Conference in Goshen, Indiana. It was decided that Harold and
Herb would accompany their parents on this trip. Walfried offered
to work the strawberries, and Irmy would take care of the
household.

The sessions of the Mennonite World Conference were
divided between the Goshen College site in Indiana and the Bethel
College site in North Newton, Kansas. Because of the War there
had been no conference since 1936 in Amsterdam. It was in-
evitable that the war would cast a cloud over the relations of
Dutch and French Mennonites to those in Germany. Some heal-
ing had happened between French and German Mennonites at
the ‘Glaubenskonferenz’ in Basel the previous summer, but the
Dutch and German Mennonites had not yet encountered each
other publicly. It was a significant moment for the brotherhood
when the German delegates, led by pastor Dirk Cattepoel from
Crefeld and pastor Emil Haendiges formerly from Danzig,
repented for their involvement in the sin of Germany and asked
the Dutch brethren to forgive them. Forgiveness was extended
and the reconciliation blessed the whole gathering.

CF addressed the conference on the subject "Mennonite
Refugees: Our Challenge." As he rose to speak he was able to give
the gathered assembly a unique view of the refugee work in
Europe. After three years of seeking his brethren, the size and
shape of their need was all too familiar to him. Recalling his first
days in post-war Europe he said, "The many ruined cities of Ger-
many, the countless numbers of refugees who on foot, on wagons,
or on overcrowded trains streamed from the East to the West, the
general picture of utter dejection and hopelessness— all this made
a deep and lasting impression on me."

179

Recalling the various developments of refugee aid and
transports CF could take some pride in the fact that some
progress had been made in moving people to Canada, South
America and some to the US. As always he was quick to acknow-
ledge that without God’s help and the prayers of the Mennonite
brotherhood world- wide, nothing would have been accomplished.
He took the opportunity to challenge those who had come together
from North America for the conference to renew their prayers and
practical help on behalf of all those remaining in need of help. He
particularly spoke with compassion on behalf of the German Men-
nonite brotherhood whom he saw as victims in the nationalistic
struggles of the war years. There was yet a deep need for recon-
ciliation within the wider Mennonite family and he exhorted the
conference "let us not Judge too harshly the German Mennonites
are trying to find their way back to the faith of our fathers. Are
we prepared to help them?" {MQR April 1950 139)

For CF the plight of homeless brethren was one: all who
were rendered homeless by the ravages of war, deserved the help
of the wider brotherhood. In this view he anticipated the work of
his next years in Europe, not only to send refugees to new
homelands, but to help resettle Prussian refugees on their own
West German soil in new homes.

The conference days at Goshen and Newton were very busy.
There were 38 major addresses packed into sixteen sessions. The
MCC was the sponsoring body, which proved to be a fruitful ar-
rangement. Being involved as it was on an international level, it
made it easier for the Europeans to feel at home among their
American and Canadian brothers. Hundreds of American Men-
nonites had by now done service in Europe through MCC. The
bankruptcy that many believers experienced as a result of the
war created in many a humbler more open and teachable spirit.
There seemed to be a greater hunger and openness to God at the
1948 conference than at the 1936 meeting in Amsterdam, CF at
least left the fourth World Conference encouraged and inspired
by the depth of fellowship and the spirit of renewal.

180

Fifth Mission to Europe

His time at home was all too brief. By September 1st he was
enroute back to London and Frankfurt on his fifth mission (1 Sept
48-21 Dec 48). He encouraged himself with these words: ’We
live in a fast-paced world. But the book of books challenges us
to ‘redeem the time, because the days are evil/ This is the true
approach for believers, and the way to happiness.”

On October 1948 the last large transport to South America
left from Bremerhaven— including almost 1700 refugees. Getting
them ready really taxed the workers in Backnang and Gronau to
the limit. The experience gained from the earlier transports stood
them in good stead and they were amazed themselves at how
much was accomplished in the last weeks.

One matter, that boded ill for the future began to raise its
head. CF reports.

Initially our work here experienced a time of plain sailing.
That 90% of our Russian Mennonite refugees are of Dutch descent
seemed well established. It was common knowledge that they
couldn’t really be classified as ‘Volksdeutsche’ (German nationals].
It would have been nice had ‘envy* not raised its head. Suddenly
the fact that most of our refugees had become German citizens
while in Poland (the WarthegauJ, had the searchlight turned on it.

We had never made a secret of this. We knew that most of
our refugees had accepted German citizenship as a form of protec-
tion against the Russian bear. We knew that most of them had no
plans of settling in Germany, but just looked upon their stay there
as transitoiy until they could get to their relatives in Canada. We
knew also that the German rulers in that part of Europe were eager
to register them so that the eligible men amongst them could he
drafted into their army.

Already in 1 945 the American and British military authorities
let me know that they didn’t recognize this mass registration.
Neither did the Soviets recognize it. They made this clear enough
when they forcibly dragged thousands of them back into their
slave-labor camps.

We are making every effort to resolve these problems. Please
pray at home and in your congregations for the Lord’s help. It is
also quite clear that for some of the immigration officials the des-

181

tiny of the refugees Is no ‘heart’ matter. These are evil days we are
living in and injustice Is rampant. Our trust is in God. and be-
cause He sees that our cause is Just, we are confident He will see
us through these difficulties as well.

Just before Christmas CF was happy to be able to report

that.

Despite all kinds of obstacles, about 4,000 of our refugees
have reached Canada already, and about 5,000 South America.
Isn’t this sufficient cause to be truly grateful? Our goal for 1948
had been 3,000 for Canada and now we have surpassed that mark.

My fellow workers and I know how totally dependent we are on the
Lord— whose mercies really are new every morning!

On December 21st, 1948, CF returned from Europe to
Canada completing his fifth mission. Christmas was spent with
his family at the house on McCallum Road in Abbotsford— which
they had just purchased. The lovely house they had initially
moved into was sold and a much more modest place was found
on the southern outskirts of Abbotsford. They both felt happier
with this arrangement since it meant they no longer had a debt
hanging over them. CF was eager to find out how his children
were progressing. Harold had completed electrical engineering
in Winnipeg but had now switched to the Arts and was taking
Teachers’ Training at the University of British Columbia. Herb
was also there majoring in history. Walfried was beginning his
career as a teacher at the local Mennonite high school. Irmy was
there as a student doing her final year of high school. The Men-
nonite Educational Institute in Abbotsford, is a private high
school founded in 1946 and operated Jointly by the General Con-
ference and Mennonite Brethren. The family was now attending
the South Abbotsford MB church. As usual, CF was off right after
Christmas to attend the MCC executive meetings in Chicago and
to do some reporting in the churches of Ontario and western
Canada.

On March 10, 1949, CF returned to Europe on his sixth mis-
sion (10 Mar. 49 - 20 Dec. 49). One of the concerns on his heart
had been how those refugees who had no close relatives in
Canada could be helped to emigrate. He was greatly encouraged
by the fact that parliament had passed the Farm labor Movement

182

Act on Januaiy 19th, and that the ‘Board’ was now able to en-
courage Mennonlte farmers to submit applications to receive farm
laborers. In April he wrote, "At present we are waiting anxious-
ly for news from the Board in Saskatoon as to how many farm
workers and their next of kin our people in the five western provin-
ces are willing to sponsor."

Another group of refugees that he was concerned to help,
were those turned down by Immigration because they had done
military service. Some of these in desperation were tempted to
lie in order to increase their chances. CF’s response was, 'To
stick to the truth, to trust God, and to fill in the time doing honest
work, is still the best cure for not becoming bitter. God sees the
heart and leads everyone along the right path. To the land of their
hopes? Not necessarily. But God is a Just and gracious Father
and will lead aright." (MR 13 April 49 1)

183

Chapter 16

PEACE CONFERENCE

"Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons
of God" (Mt 5:9).

June 17-19, 1949, CF was at the Thomashof,’ the south Ger-
man Mennonite retreat center near Karlsruhe, for a Peace Con-
ference together with his good friend Harold Bender. Walter
Qulring, a Russian Mennonite author and editor, attended this
conference and gives an Interesting view of CF and his part In It.
The conference was called at the instigation of German Mennonite
youth who had been thoroughly disillusioned by the War and the
lack of clear direction offered by the church.

Due to tight post-war circumstances, Qulring cycled all the
way from the Bodensee in southern Germany to the Thomashof.
On his arrival he says, ”1 noticed a big shiny black Chevrolet in
the lot, and thought to myself, that must be CF Klassen’s. Then
I noticed him, deep in conversation with Elder Hege from Durlach
and Elder Michael Horsch from Hellmannsberg. CF is an Impos-
ing figure, a head taller than both of them." Once they had all
moved into the meeting room, CF was up front with the rest of
the speakers. Quiring describes him as "looking very thought-
ful, sober, serious; characteristically CF." (MR 4 January 50 2)

This was an historic meeting, because it was the first time
ever, that German Mennonites had gathered for a conference
where the biblical doctrine of non-resistance as a faith-principle
and life-stance, was the main subject. The turnout was far
beyond what had been expected. There was a sense of urgency

184

in the gathering, a desire to get to the root of the matter. It was
a full program: twenty talks by eleven men, seven from America,
three from Germany and one from Switzerland. Bender's input
on both the biblical basis and the historic background was much
appreciated.

CF’s talk on ’Our Witness against War and for Peace,’' rep-
resented a kind of concluding summary. He surveyed the devas-
tations of war all around them- a million dead on battlefields,
countless civilian casualties and further millions homeless and
displaced. He acknowledged the seemingly weak voice of the
peace church witness but encouraged true disciples of Jesus to
be faithful as He was, despite seeming rejection and persecution.

When the Spirit of God rules in us, the world around us be-
comes aware of it. It cannot be otherwise. Our witness will not,
however, be accepted readily everywhere, because the world prefers
darkness to light, and the wars of the future will increase in cruel-
ty, horror and demonic dimensions until that last great war against
Christ and his church. In spite of this, we are responsible to wit-
ness to those around us and to our government, whether we are
respected or insulted because of it. (Der Mermonit November 49 87)

Quoting Karl Barth, he linked the life of the believing com-
munity, the church, to its spoken witness. It is what the church
is that speaks most forcefully for Peace. This means not just
laying down weapons, but also

active non-resistance which is prepared in the Name of Christ to
sacrifice in order to bring help to the suffering, and to save lives
rather than to destroy them.

We will be able to witness for peace only:

1) if we as farmers, workers, and businessmen are prepared
to use the extra income which we gain through higher prices oc-
casioned by war for helping others who are suffering

2) if our children are not afraid to interrupt their education,
or to temporarily give up their career, or to leave a good job, in order
to serve for a period of time in a simple but sometimes dfifficult form
of alternative service to benefit others:

3) if our congregations bear the costs of such alternative ser-
vice, not only without complaining but with glad and thankful
hearts, insofar as these costs are not covered Dy the state. This

185

would also be a clear testimony for peace, and against war;

4) if we properly value the power of the printed word and offer
a clear testimony for peace and against war in our Mennonite pub-
lications, particularly in popular pamphlets as well as in more
scholarly dissertations;

5) if our speakers preach the clear words of life— the simple
gospel, and do not fail to challenge their congregations to live a
holy personal life, and do not hesitate to preach a clear stand on
non-resistance and attempts to maintain peace;

6) if we pay attention to our Mennonite schools to make sure
that Christian non-resistance is taught and practiced, in addition
to the teaching of all other necessaiy courses. It should not con-
sist of philosophical discussion, but deal with everday practical
living;

7) if we above all else, allow ourselves to be led by the Spirit
of Jesus in our personal lives, in our family life, in our congrega-
tions, in our efforts to help others, and our community organiza-
tions. Then we will be a good influence on others. We should not
deceive ourselves, our testimony for peace and against war will fall
on deaf ears if our words are not backed by our actions.

How can we do all of this? The whole matter must be con-
sidered more seriously than we are wont to do. How can our tes-
timony be convincing? Only if we take seriously the warning of
Christ in Luke 1 1:35 ‘that our light be not overcome with dark-
ness.*

May God give us grace to be steadfast so that our testimony
may be used in the growth of His Church here on earth, so that
His Kingdom— the Kingdom of Peace— may come" ( Dev Mennonit
November 49 87).

A very positive resolution was drafted at the conclusion that
was to be distributed and discussed in all the German Mennonite
churches. Not everyone was convinced of the truth of Christian
non-resistance, but at least the issue was out in the open and
could be freely examined.

Mennonite Historical Society Meeting

On the Sunday, time was set aside in the afternoon for a
meeting of the German Mennonite Historical Society, at which Dr.
Horst Penner gave a lecture on "Turning Points in the History of

186

the West Prussian Mennonites." Quiring was there and writes.

No sooner had Horst Penner finished, than CF arose and went
over to the podium, obviously deeply moved, and said: This Dr.
Penner who has just spoken to us, has done our brotherhood and
the cause of emigration a great and significant service with his doc-
toral dissertation. Let me explain.*

Just after our first large transport of refugees left for Paraguay
January 1947, I flew to London hoping to receive some financial
assistance from the Inter-Governmental Committee on Refugees.
I knew this agency from back in 1945. 1 also knew Sir Herbert Em*
merson, the director personally. I was invited to a meeting of their
committee to present my concern. About eight or nine were
present. Sir Herbert asked me, to begin with, how we had managed
to get our refugees out of Berlin. I related the story briefly and
closed by saying it was my personal conviction that we had ex-

E erienced a miracle and that we had prayed our threatened
rethren out of Berlin. Sir Herbert was moved by the account and
couldn’t hide his emotions. Then he asked, 'Yes, and what do you
want from us?”

‘Financial help,’ 1 said, ‘because it is not going to be easy for
us as a small church group to transport all our refugees out of Ger-
many and help them get settled.* The question of their ethnic origin
had come up earlier in our discussions, and he asked now if I could
prove that 90% were really of Dutch descent. I said, not right now,
because most of the historical documents are in archives in the
United States.

But it was clear that Sir Herbert was well disposed toward us
and wanted to help us. He decided to appoint a Commission of
two scholars to be sent to Holland to investigate the matter. He
did this out of consideration to the Polish Communist members of
the Commission. The Russian members had withdrawn in July
1946.

In Holland the Commission co-opted a Dutch scholar and ap-
proached Mennonite scholars at the University of Amsterdam.
After a week in hospital I flew to Holland but the news I got there
wasn’t encouraging. The English Commission had found nothing
to substantiate my claim. They had reached the point where they
were going to drop their investigations and return to England. We
didn’t give up, however, and went to prayer.

At precisely that point Hylkema and Hogerzell came up with
Dr Horst Penner’s dissertation The Settlement of Dutch Men-
nonites along the Vistula from the mid sixteenth century until
Prussian Times.’ In the appendix was a list of the family names of
these Dutch settlers.

187

What a find that was! Just what we needed, laid out In
scholarly detail. With that , the Commission returned to England-
mission accomplished!

A week later I was back in London and sensed right away that
the ice was broken. Sir Herbert and his co-workers were con-
vinced, and I was promised $160,000. And for this we are espe-
cially grateful to our young scholar sitting here, our dear brother
Horst Penner,

The transport cost us twice that amount, but what a help it
was— and furthermore it established a precedent from which we
have benefited ever since. In this way we again experienced God's
direct help.

Ever since then, I've felt a need to mention in Mennonite
circles that scholarly historical works, in the providence of God,
can be of great significance— even practical^, financially! (Quir-
ing MR 4 January 50 1)

Traveling Companions

Right after the Historical Society meeting Quiring and Klas-
sen met outside and OF asked whether he was busy or would
have time to travel along with him over Frankfurt to Gronau.
Quiring picks up the story,

"Hie unemployed always have time," was my answer. "I’m al-
ways ready to travel"

"Good, we'll be leaving hi an hour."

I packed quickly, turning my bicycle and some other things
over to the Schnebeles for their safe keeping, wrote a note to my
wife, and before I knew It we were on our way in his shiny Chev-
rolet

OF maneuvered his way through the narrow streets of Dur-
lach as if they were his home town. Once in a while our American
car elicits looks with a touch of hatred in them*

"But those looks certainly don't apply to us Mennonites/' says
CF.

The reading on the dashboard says 107,000 km. He’s put
them on in a year and a half..

We soon came to an on-ramp to the Autobahn where we began

188

to accelerate from 70 to 80 to 100 to 1 10 k.m.h. I had never been
in a car at this speed before. But the Autobahn is wide and well
made and after a time one hardly feels the speed.

We passed Mannheim off to the left. The Autobahn by -pas-
ses larger cities.

"It was here dose to Mannheim," says CF, "that [ once had
an interesting experience. It was on a Sunday morning, and my
carburetor gave out, 1 tried everything, but finally had to stop and
take it apart. It was, as I said, Sunday morning, and I was on my
way to a church dedication. I had a black suit on. I was soon sur-
rounded by curious onlookers, young and old. Comments were
dropped revealing considerable know-how.

"Well, 1 wonder if the American will get the things back
together again? 11 There was general agreement that I didn't look
like I would know much about auto mecnanics. They also assumed
that l didn't know a word of German.

'Yes, the American did get the thing back together. As 1 was
pulling off my gloves ready to get back into the car, I said to the
surprised onlookers, "Ich aanke Ihnen, meine Herrschaften, fuer
die freundliche Anteilnahme, und der Amenkaner hat es doch ges-
chafit" (Many thanks, dear friends, for your kind interest; and the
‘American' managed it, after all!].

The long faces quickly broke into smiles as they waved good-
bye.

"I usually pick up hitch-hikers," said CF. "Not at night time,
however So many people have been uprooted these last years, and
create quite a problem. Recently someone cut a neat hole in my
window, and emptied the car of all its contents. On another oc-
casion I left my suitcase at an hotel entrance for just a split second,
but somebody noticed and took off with it. Once my RoUeiflex
camera disappeared right out of my hotel room."

Late afternoon we began to approach Frankfurt. Frankfurt
is CPs headquarters. You can tell that he knows the city like the
back of his hand. Our destination is Schlosserstrasse 3, a quiet
street with nicely landscaped front yards. The Germans had to va-
cate this area and it now houses Americans exclusively. Almost
every house has an American car parked out front. All you hear
spoken is English. Every gate has a sign on it: No Admittance.
Next to it you can read the occupants name.

It Is a pleasant two-storey house divided into five apartments.
The other four are occupied by American military personnel. The
sign on the gate says: U.S, Army, no admittance, trespassers will
be prosecuted. He has two rooms, an office and a bed room. Eveiy

189

available surface in both rooms is covered with books and papers
and files. In the hallway was a pile of German mail that had come
in his absence. The pile that came by military post from overseas
was much larger.

CF sits down at his desk and begins to go through the mail.
In the first letter there is a list of refugees on their way to Canada
on the last sailing of the ‘Scythia,'

'Yes/ 1 he says, "today we focus on the length of the list, the
total number. But in the first years, what difficulties we had to
overcome before even a small group was ready to leave."

Our first stop in the morning is at the Post Office. CF is ex-
pecting a small package of parts for his car, "Without them we
can't continue on our Journey," he says. At the fifth place we final-
ly get them installed.

At one stop, where a minor official (‘Beamterl has to fill out
a certificate for him and misspells a simple German word, Klassen
says to me 'What more can be expected under the circumstances;
many of the competent people today are hauling manure and
sweeping the streets."

It is obvious with what great care CF watches over his car.
He treats it almost like a living being.

At the military Post Office CF comes out with another stack
of mail. While stepping into the car, he says in Low German. "Daut
woet sendoog wada ne korte NachC (I til be a short night again Sun-
day). I ask whether he doesn't have any secretarial help. Yes, but
she works elsewhere during the day and can only help evenings or
Saturday afternoon,"

Then we had to take his car to a garage to have the brakes
overhauled. It will be late afternoon before we can get away. I can't
help but notice, during all this hectic back and forth, how calmly
CF takes it all. Without doubt that's easier on the nerves.

On our way back to the apartment, he tells me the tragic story
of Mrs. Kaethe Toews, whose funeral he attended recently. Her
grandfather was Cornelius Relmer from Gnadenfeld. She was
buried in Wolpertshausen near Schwaebisch Hall. At the outbreak
of the war she was living in the Crimea with her four year old
daughter. The fact that she was down with typhoid protected her
from being exiled eastwards. Her little daughter, however, was
taken to Siberia,

Once she had recovered she nursed four wounded German
soldiers for quite some time. Then the German troops began their
great retreat. She herself ended up in Germany. The only Ger-

190

mans she knew were the four soldiers, so she tried writing to them,
only to find out that three of them had died. The fourth one,
however, Kress was his name, invited her to come to Wol-
pertshausen. She was soon able to open a kindergarten and due
to her good work was well-liked. Then she became sick. The root
of her sickness was diagnosed as emotional. Nothing could be
done; her heart just seemed to be giving up. CF visited Tier during
this time and tried to encourage her. Such composure, confidence
and inner ioy in the face of death, is the sure mark of a Christian,
he concluded.

Finally out on the Autobahn I asked him, "What kind of recep-
tion have the Russian Mennonite refugees found in Germany?"

"It differs very much from place to place. One can say in
general, that the German farmer (‘Bauer’) hasn’t demonstrated
much understanding for our refugees. Most of them just tried to
get as much cheap labor out of them as they could. After a few
notorious cases oi inadequate housing and inhumane treatment
became public, we sent an MCC worker around to inspect situa-
tions with an eye to improving them.

Things came to light at times that reflect badly on German
society. At one farm we found a Mennonite refugee woman and
her daughter in the middle of a cold winter, huddled together in an
unheated room. They were sitting on a ragged cot with a watery
soup as their main diet. And in the midst of this the farmer was
tiying to force as much work as possible out of this poor creature.

In another case the little shed, overcrowded with refugees,
was attached to the pig bam. The smell that they had to endure
night and day, was unbearable and also unhealthy. On top of this
the food was poor and the farmer’s work demands were un-
reasonable.”

It was about 2:00 in the morning when we saw the welcome
road sign with ‘Gronau* on it. There was not a soul on the streets.
When we got to the MCC house it was locked. We finally woke them
up, only to find out that they were full up and that they had rented
us a room at Hotel Brinkmann. We hurried over, but no amount
of knocking and banging was of any avail. Finally the night
watchman mom the van Delden factory across the street came over,
and offered to help us. Into the quiet of the night he hollered "Herr
Brinkmann, get up, some Americans are here!” That worked.
Lights went on and soon we heard some shuffling footsteps.

After a few hours sleep we made our way down to the MCC
house on Enschederstrasse.

CF left me here for a week while he went off on other busi-
ness. I was able to visit with some old friends and make some new

191

acquaintances.

The evening he returned, there was a baptism in the Camp.
Cornelius Wall had prepared forty-four candidates, and Erland
Waltner baptized them. It was a glorious occasion.

During the service CF arrived back from Holland together
with Harold Bender. At the end of the service he was surrounded
by people, asking questions, bringing greetings, shaking hands etc.
I overheard someone say. "If Klassen is still so calm, then every-
thing is going to work out all right."

The next morning we left to return to Frankfurt. I noticed
right away that the rignt side of the car was pushed in. CF told
me how it happened. His tires were pretty badly worn, but he
hoped they would last till the fall. On the Autobahn the left front
tire suddenly blew. He was able to keep the car under control and
put on the spare. Fifty-five miles from Gronau the right front tire
blew, but this time he lost control and sideswiped a tree. To his
amazement, after he replaced the tire, he was able to drive on to
Gronau.

As we were nearing Duesseldorf, the right back wheel fell off,
and there was suddenly no braking power. Without getting ruf-
fled, he brought it to a standstill. A fire had broken out around
the rear axle, Dut CF put it out with his handkerchief before I could
cross the seat and get out. My door was jammed. To make mat-
ters worse the horn got stuck, and was blaring. CF got out his lit-
tle pocket knife and dealt with that as well.

I said, 'We were lucky that time."

'That’s not luck, that’s Divine protection!"

A motorcyclist who had witnessed the whole scene stopped
and told us where to look for the tire, which I went to fetch fifty
meters off into the bush. The axle had broken— probably in the
original accident. CF walked back to a garage and I stayed with
the car. It was a few hours before he got back. "Siegfried Janzen
is going across into Holland to fetch an axle and will bring it to us."
It finally arrived, quite late, and they finally had to acluiowledge
that they couldn’t install it themselves. A large truck stopped and
offered to load the car and take it to Frankfurt for 40 DM. We had
to stay in the car, which wasn’t all that comfortable. We finally got
to Frankfurt in the early morning hours and dropped the car off at
a garage that CF uses. Finally we got back to Scnlosserstrasse 3.
After a shower and some good coffee we were ready for the day.

While I was still there a Hungarian Bishop called to make an
appointment to see CF. He told me about a Ukrainian delegation
that arrived once asking him if he could declare them all Men-

192

nonites, and then help them. (MR 12 April 50)

At this point Quiring’s candid observations of CF and his
lifestyle were cut short. Harold Bender had appeared in
Frankfurt and offered Quiring a ride back to the Thomashof
retreat center where the journey had begun.

This episode with Walter Quiring was not an exception. CF
loved people and taking them along on his trips was a part of his
regular routine as MCC ambassador in Europe. Another example
of this side of his work is his kindness to two of the MCC nurses
at the Gronau refugee camp the following spring. One of them,
Martha Thiessen from British Columbia, was the daughter of his
good friend FC Thiessen who was teaching Bible and German at
the Mennonite Educational Institute. Thiessen passed away sud-
denly on February 20, 1950 and CF made a special trip to Gronau
to break the news to Martha and to preside at a memorial ser-
vice. Martha took courage and decided not to return to Canada
for the funeral but to continue on in her ministry to the refugees.
Her willingness to stay touched CF’s fatherly heart.

A few weeks later, when CF was in Neuwied on settlement
business, he arranged for Siegfried Janzen the director at
Gronau, to bring Martha and her fellow nurse Helen Janz from
Coaldale, Alberta, to Neuwied. From there CF took them along
with him on his return to Frankfurt. They traveled along the
scenic Rhine and he showed them some of the castles and other
historic spots that they had not yet seen. He also hosted them
at a restaurant near the famous ‘Lorelei.’ In Frankfurt he dropped
them at the MCC center while he took care of his mail and other
matters.

The next morning he took them along to Heidelberg and then
on to Karlsruhe and the Thomashof. Here he introduced them to
his good friend Benjamin Unruh, who had also known F.C. Thies-
sen, and to Johannes Hodel at the Batzenhof. CF wanted them
to see what a proper German Hof is like. There is nothing quite
like them in America. In this case the long driveway winds
through an orchard and then ends up In a kind of courtyard sur-
rounded on three sides by inter-connected buildings, one of
which is the main dwelling, and the others being barns and
workshops. This Hof was particularly well-known for its warm

193

hospitality. Over-night guests always seemed welcome and no
one went short of food. CF knew, because for him the Batzenhof
was his home away from home. The Batzenhof is like most of these
estates, which are leased on a long term basis, and are situated
on a few hundred acres of land devoted to agriculture.

From the Batzenhof they traveled on to Wurzburg, Roten-
burg, Stuttgart (where CF had a number of business calls to
make), and on to Reutlingen, where they stayed with Elder Fritz
Hege, pastor of the Mennonite church. The next day being Sun-
day and Mother’s Day, they stayed for the Service. Hege preached
and CF was asked to share on the Mother’s Day theme, which he
was delighted to do. From there it was on to Munich and finally
back to Frankfurt— where Siegfried would pick them up on his
way back to Gronau.

When the Janzens, the two nurses and CF were all in
Frankfurt at the end of the tour, CF arranged to have them all
speak on to a tape that would be sent back to friends and rela-
tives in Winnipeg. They shared impressions from their work at
the refugee camp in Gronau, and the nurses shared about their
trip through Germany with ‘Onkel Klassen.’

Later in the summer Martha came down with a bad case of
eczema, and it was at CF’s insistence that she was taken to a
medical ‘Kur-Ort’ that specialized in helping eczema sufferers.
When Cornelia Lehn, another MCC worker from Canada, became
quite ill, he took her to a treatment center at Eppenheim just
north of Frankfurt, where he was able to visit her on a number
of occasions and encourage her during her seven week convales-
cence. This kind of concern for individuals and attention to
detail endeared him to his fellow workers and friends and was
long remembered.

194

Chapter 17

A ‘DARK VALLEY’ FOR
EMIGRATION

"As they pass through the Valley thy make tt a place of
springs ' ' (Ps 84:6),

CF received a great shock when on July 23, 1949, IRO-
Geneva Issued an order that virtually stopped all Mennonite
movements from Europe to both the US and Canada, He im-
mediately went to Geneva and found out that the IRO eligibility
officer reported that 30—40% of all Mennonite refugees had
served in the German armed forces and had taken up German
citizenship voluntarily, not under duress, as was at first believed.
CF challenged these facts and figures, but at this stage the Order
stood firm:

1) No Mennonite who had become a German citizen was en-
titled to IRO help,

2) Hie processing of all Mennonites was to be halted Im-
mediately (with the exception of those who had already obtained
a Canadian visa),

3) All Mennonites, who had already passed the IRO-
eligibility test, be processed again with special attention to their
German naturalization and military service.

What was to be done? On July 30th, Klassen says.

I called all our co-workers together from Gronau, Fallingbos-
tel, and Backnang for a meeting in Frankfurt, We reflected on what

195

the Lord had done for us in the past, and thanked Him sincerely.

We reviewed our present dilemma carefully, and then went to
prayer. We who stand here in the Lord's service, look to Him for
His help. And we ask for your prayers, for the refugees and for us,
that the Lord will deliver us out of the dark valley our work has
sunk into, (MR 10 August 49 1)

Pray hard and work hard, was CF’s approach, Frank Epp
says of him, "With characteristic vigor and determination CF Klas-
sen now undertook to work at removing this latest obstacle,"
(407) He immediately contacted the IRO officials in Washington
by telephone, and also MCC headquarters in Akron. After some
quick deliberations, Orie Miller and William Snyder requested he
come at once for consultations in Washington and Ottawa, so he
returned to North America on August 8th, They received sym-
pathetic hearings in both capitals and on August 10th the IRO-
Ottawa office wired IROGeneva as follows:

"Klassen, Thiessen, Snyder, have protested to Immigration
and Labor against IRO reversal previous eligibility decision, Klas-
sen claims no new facts apparently produced. Understand US
delegates Warren and Cams! support this protest. No change In
Canadian policy re acceptance of Mennonites that is subject to
usual immigration and security requirements. Would appreciate
full cable report as Labor anxious to place group of farmers from
Gronau by mid- September," (Epp 407)

But during the next weeks and months, nothing changed.
The work at Gronau had ground to a halt. There was an uncan-
ny silence in the hallways. CF encouraged his heart with a poem
he came across entitled "Could Anything be Impossible for Him?"
Each stanza, after surveying the tribulations and griefs common
to man, closed with the couplet: "One there is who understands
you, Jesus alone; could anything be impossible for Him?"

After nine weeks of praying and working and waiting, the
breakthrough came. He wrote.

Today, September 26th, I received the happy news by
telephone from Geneva, that the obstructive clause has been
removed and that a new draft is being prepared, 1 am to come to
Geneva as soon as possible. The Lord has done it. His hour came,
and with it the answer to many prayers. (MR 5 October 49 1)

196

In Gronau another ‘shout’ went up, and the busy tempo
resumed. It could be felt In the atmosphere throughout the
Gamp. In his report CF says, ’The old routine of activity from
early till late is back. On Wednesday the representative of the
labor Department is coming to consider the farm workers, and a
week from today the Canadian medical team is arriving together
with the security and passport officials. Former refugees will
know best what the mood is like at Gronau in times like this."
(MR 26 Oct. 49: 1) In short order 400 refugees were ready for the
Canadian Commissioners. It wasn’t actually until October 3rd
that CF was in Geneva for the signing of the new agreement, which
officially withdrew the July 23 order.

The 'Samaria’

It was only ten days later on October 13th that the ‘Samaria’
lifted anchor for Canada with 357 Mennonite refugees aboard.
CF reports,

I left Gronau early this morning headed for Cuxhaven where
I wanted to wish this group a pleasant journey and a happy wel-
come on the other side. As I traveled I was filled with mixed feel-
ings. How much had transpired between July 23 when everything
came to a halt, and today. How tangibly the Lord had shown us
again that He alone is able. It's been like that ever since the MCC
took up the challenge in 1945, since I located the first refugees. We
have lived in the intervening years from one answered prayer to
the next. Not all our prayers, nor those of the refugees and their
relatives, have been answered as we had hoped, but we have had
to acknowledge again and again that the Lord doeth all things well.
Isolated ones set back, might not find it easy to admit this. We can
understand that, and realize full well that many a ‘why’ will not be
answered until much later

My words of farewell to the refugees on the Samaria today are
based on Psalm 138:7

Though 1 walk in the midst of trouble,

Thou dost preserve my life;

Thou dost stretch out Thy hand against the wrath of my enemies.
And Thy right hand delivers me.

a tear brothers and sisters: Whether we are lifted up and
joy or whether we are downcast and grieving, it Is often

197

the Psalms from which we derive comfort and strength. Probably
because the Psalmist has gone through what we are experiencing.
The above verse does exactly that; It reflects what we have passed
through together In the preceding months. While walking in the
midst of trouble and fear, the Lora quickened us even during the
dark times when all processing had stopped. We had often faced
difficulties in our refugee work, but In the period from July 23 to
Sept 26, we literally walked in fear. But the answer to our many
prayers came, and with it came also much work— which is what
we are here for.

I feel a need to draw your attention to the work of Siegfried
Janzen, Lois Yake and the many other brothers and sisters In
Gronau. We need to thank them for their tireless efforts during
the last weeks. They were faithful, and endured to the end, often
going without sleep. It wasn't easy for them. I also feel a need to
thank the Canadian authorities for their efforts and for their con-
cern for the needs of the individuals involved. Many problematic
cases were passed. Each is a miracle of its own.

My dear friends, finally you are on your way to Canada. I'm
sure youVe thanked God repeatedly for His help. Continue to give
Him the gloiy, so that your behaviour as well will glorify His name:

1) Glorify God already on the ocean journey. A large percent-
age of the passengers are Mennonite Christians. The crew should
sense the difference.

2) Glorify God when you reach your goal in Canada. Will
there be disappointments there? One way or another they cannot
be avoided. But be true to your covenant, made here, when things
looked so hopeless. Don’t give your relatives or employers there,
any occasion for regret, even when things don’t go exactly as you
had hoped.

3) Glorify God as you identify with a fellowship of believers in
Canada, Join a church as soon as possible and seek to be of ser-
vice in the church. Don't come on as those who know it all.
Restrain yourself rather, and hold off on your criticisms until
youVe settled in and understand the situation better. That you
have to work hard in Canada to get ahead, you will discover all too
soon. In the midst of it, may you find great joy and many oppor-
tunities to help others.

4) Glorify God as you remember prayerfully the tears of those
fellow refugees who are still waiting to come,

5) Glorify God as you remember those who have been turned
back for medical or other reasons. Fray for them and write to them
occasionally. It will not only bless them, but will help you to be
more content.

198

6) Glorify God as you pray for us who continue to work here.
Pray that we will be enabled to make the right decisions and bring
glory to God. It would also give us great joy to hear how you are
faring.

God’s blessing to you on your ocean journey. May you have
a calm crossing. But should it be rough, and many get seasick,
remember that, as bad as it is, it will stop as soon as the rocking
stops!

We know you are resolved to make it easy for the Canadians
to love you. Remember that this will encourage them to keep sup-
porting the MCC until the last refugee has been helped.

In two weeks you will no longer be refugees. God bless you,
young and old, and make you a blessing. (MR 26 October 49)

The Hard Core Cases

Altogether there were 1,635 refugees who emigrated to
Canada In 1949. This was about 2,000 less than In 1948, but
the total to date was 6,005— an encouraging figure in light of the
many problems that were encountered right from the beginning.
Along with those who had sailed to South America, it meant that
10,510 had been brought out of Europe.

Returning from his trip home in February 1950 the continu-
ing burden of the hard-core cases lay heavy on CFs heart. Of the
1 , 130 refugees left, about 200 still qualified for Canada under ex-
isting regulations. About 150 had hopes of getting to the US.
Another 100 planned to join relatives in Paraguay, and another
234 had applied to go to Uruguay. This still meant there were
about 500 for whom there seemed to be little hope. Among these
were 360 medical rejects, many of whom had tuberculosis and
trachoma, and others had physical defects of one kind or
another— deafness, blindness, crippling from polio, even varicose
veins, hernias, ulcers etc. The last 140 had served in the ‘Wafien
SS’ or the German Wehrmacht.’

CF in Europe and J.J. Thiessen in Canada, now gave their
undivided attention to helping these difficult cases. CF referred
to their efforts as ‘applying the crowbar’ to the obstacles that were
in the way. Both Klassen and Thiessen took as their motto the
declaration of Moses before Pharaoh "there shall not a hoof be left

199

behind. 11 One way or another every refugee should be helped.
On April 2nd CF reported

The last weeks have been difficult ones for us. Added to our
bad experiences with the US, was the fact that we were being denied
exit visas from Germany because of the fateful Warthegau registra-
tion. The fate of all our emigrants to Canada and Paraguay was
suddenly called into question again. It looked as if our emigration
plans were running aground. We prayed and planned, and sought
for a way forward. Things looked dark, veiy dark. What an embar-
rassmentl But our eyes were on the Lord, looking to Him for his
answer. When it suddenly came, we were taken by surprise.

The Canadian Christian Council for Resettlement of Refugees
(CCCRR) with headquarters in Winnipeg, had all the while been
lobbying Ottawa on behalf of the admission of these Eastern block
refugees who had been registered as Germans, For months on end,

DR TOF Herder In particular, had been fighting for their cause. The
Canadian government reviewed the whole matter carefully and
then decided in their favor. This was expressed in Order in Coun-
cil #1606 on March 28th, 1950— which not only opened Canada's
doors to them but relaxed other restrictions as well for German
emigrants, God was obviously watching over our concerns and
answered the prayers of many thousands of his children.

1 was deeply moved by this action of our government. Not only
did thankfulness to our government rise in my heart, but also a
touch of pride. May God’s blessing rest on our federal cabinet, our
MPs and our whole land, and may God protect us from political
catastrophes. Thank God for this bright ray of hope in our refugee
work! On March 30th, Dr Herzer and I had a happy reunion at the
Hamburg airport.... How we rejoiced together at the prospect of a
new surge forward in the emigration movement. Truly, ‘Gott kann! 1
(MR 12 April 50 1)

In September 1950 CF was In Ottawa meeting with the Im-
migration and Labor departments about his hard-core cases.
More and more obstacles were gradually being removed. From
Ottawa he flew to Washington where, together with Wm Snyder
efforts were made to speed up the flow to the US,

Unfortunately it never became more than a trickle (as few
as 6 during 1948 and a maximum of 113 in 1949).

At a meeting of the German Relief committee in Frankfurt in
late spring 1951, it was agreed that CF should visit the various
settlements of Danizg refugees in North Germany to encourage
them to consider joining the emigrations to Canada or South

200

America. Some of MCC's transportation plans had to be cancelled
because so few of them had been willing to consider this option*
It was his conviction that for the sake of their children, more of
them should take courage and emigrate* His efforts bore fruit as
could be seen in the fact that on August 15th 1951, 442 Danzig
refugees left from Genoa, Italy for Uruguay*

The ‘Waffen SS’ issue was one of the most challenging of CF’s
struggles over the hard-core cases* The S*S* troops were tradi-
tionally an elite division of fanatic Nazi volunteers who Hitler or-
ganized as a special bodyguard (going back to the early thirties)
and as the Secret Police, the infamous ‘Gestapo* T They also served
as concentration camp guards. It is from these three groups that
the S*3. primarily gained its reputation* Such people Immigra-
tion could understandably consider as undesirable* But OF dis-
covered that the ’Wallen S.S/ was a different matter, and by the
end of the War was made up of thirty- five divisions of regular con-
scriptees* In some of the east European countries, whole villages
of Volksdeutsche* were forclby and indiscriminately enlisted Into
the Wallen SS.’ It was a matter of join, or be shot. Among these
were hundreds of Russian Mennonite refugees, many of whom
never survived the War and the Prisoner of War camps* Those who
did, were now among the refugees seeking entrance to Canada,
but repeatedly being turned down because of this matter. Some
tried to cover up the truth and got themselves into even deeper
trouble*

It was CF*s friend T*0*F* Herzer, working through the
CGCRR, who was most helpful in changing the government’s
policy toward these security ref ects* Already in April a year ear-
Her Herzer had on return from Germany introduced new evidence
on these men to the Department of Citizenship and Immigration*
This was followed up by a concession toward those who had joined
the WafTen SS’ after January 1, 1943. It wasn’t until April 1952
that CF was able to present thirty- two cases to the Canadian Im-
migration Commission In Hannover, and found out to his delight
that most of them were approved*

At the end of that year, on December 2 1st, CF was with the
Mennonites of the Bremen area, in a meeting at the YMCA, which
combined their annual Christmas celebration with a farewell ser-
vice for another group of refugees who had made it through the

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screening process. CF spoke to them about Christmas and the
new life opening up to them, from John 10:1 1 "I am come that
you might have life, and have it more abundantly." The next day
he was on board the ‘Beaverbrae’ with them, speaking to many
of them personally and shaking their hands for the last time.
With these hard- core cases, God’s ability to help was becoming
more and more visible . And on the last day of the year the Gronau
staff were able to move into their new quarters in Bremen.
Another milestone in the refugee work had been reached.

The Ongoing Refugee Challenge

The broader refugee challenge, however, was an ever-in-
creasing one. This became clear to CF, the following February
when he visited Berlin and attended some of the meetings the
Senate had organized to deal with the refugee problem. The needs
of the total refugee situation in Berlin were staggering, so foreign
relief agencies were called in to assist. From February 1 to 9,
10,000 refugees flooded into Berlin from East Germany, The
government in Bonn had committed itself to fly out 700 refugees
per day.

Seeing refugees always touched CF deeply.

We visited a new refugee camp in West Berlin. It is housed
in a partially bombed out factory that had some quick repairs done
to it so that it could accomodate 3,000 refugees. Already there are
over 4,000 squeezed into it with more arriving every day. We ac-
tually saw the refugees lying there on thin straw mats spread out
on the concrete floor. Among them are many healthy looking
farmers, who so feared forced collectivization or deportation to
Siberia, that they had left everything behind and fled. They could
probably make a go of it in Canada and soon be on their feet. Meas-
les and scarlet fever had broken out among the refugees, and be-
cause the hospitals in Berlin were overcrowded as result of an
influenza epidemic, the refugee camps had to make their own ar-
rangements to look after the patients. Once one has witnessed the
tragic situation of the refugees with one's own eyes, one can't shake
it any more. May God grant us the readiness to do what we can,
{MR 25 February 53 1)

The dark valleys In the refugee work, were experienced by
CF and his co-workers, not as daunting set backs or impossible

202

obstacles. Rather they became for them the opportunity to draw
on God’s grace and strength, and many times see their faith
rewarded in answered prayers. The dark places truly became a
Valley of springs.’

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Chapter 18

HOMES FOR THE HOMELESS

"I uras a stranger and you welcomed me..." (Mt 25:35),
.''..bring the homeless poor into your house" (Is 58:7).

Although CF had poured much energy into resolving the dif-
ficulties standing In the way of refugees desiring to emigrate from
Europe, It was becoming clear that a very great challenge was
presented by those who were unable to leave Germany. These
were those who for reasons of health and old age, would never be
granted permission to emigrate. The need of this group was a
burden CF carried on his heart, and he shared the determination
of the Germans themselves to find creative solutions to the dilem-
ma. He felt great compassion for the refugees and their long years
of pilgrimage and he wanted to complete his years of work among
them with a provision of homes for the reunited families and a
place of ‘safe haven' for the elderly who no longer had families to
care for them. These two areas formed the double thrust of the
work of resettlement within Europe itself that was to occupy CF
during much of the remainder of his time in Germany.

Old Peoples’ Homes

It was in 1949 that CF first shared a concern that a home
be established for elderly refugees. His two friends, Richard
Hertzler and Fritz Stauffer, both active in the German Mennonitc
Relief Agency (Hilfswerk der Vereinigung deutscher Mennoniten),
were the first to take up the challenge, and together with them

204

he called a meeting for May 23, 1949, At this meeting the first
concrete steps were agreed upon, by way of an open appeal to all
German Mennonites to trust God for such a home, and to offer
their gifts and services. The response was gratifying. The MCC
offered food and blankets and many gifts came in from all across
Germany, So in June the Mennonite Old Peoples* Home Society
(Mennonitische Altersheime Verein) was formed. Hertzler and
Stauffer were appointed to the Board along with Ulrich Hege rep-
resenting the south German Mennonites and Dirk Cattepoel rep-
resenting the north German Mennonites,

Now serious efforts to find a suitable building began. It soon
became apparent that the French Zone of West Germany was the
most likely spot since post-war crowding wasn’t as severe there.
They finally agreed to rent the 'Marienburg* in Leutesdorf near
Neuwied, a fortress-like 200 year old baroque building right on
the banks of the Rhine River and able to accomodate ninety resi-
dents, The preparations and alterations went forward enthusias-
tically and a large crowd gathered for the official opening.

CF was present and in his report of the occasion says.

The Marienburg stands there as a visible demonstration of
God’s kindness, and also as the evidence of the good will of men,
for the German Mennonites are still poor and there are also some
longstanding differences between those in the north and those in
the south. Paul’s exhortation to "bear one another’s burdens," is
what helps to make this kind of cooperation possible. This is the
Law of Love, and love exists by sacrifice. It took sacrifices to bring
this common work into being.

And the dear residents have long years of hard work behind
them, and most of them had laid up something for their old age,
but as a result of the War they were thrust out onto the street as
penniless refugees. They have learned to pray along with the Psal-
mist:

"Do not cast me off in the time of old age; forsake me not when
my strength is spent" (71:9). Unless some further catastrophe
should descend upon Europe, we can trust the blessing of God will
be upon this little remnant in the new home they have found. May
the sunshine of God’s love lighten their little rooms. And when
they are outside and hear the murmuring of the Rhine, unchanged
by the passage of time, let it remind them of the endless flow of
God’s grace and His unchanging love and faithfulness.

205

May God also bless the spiritual ministry in the Home so that
the pure Word of truth might become a well of strength during
times of testing. These times will come, even in old age, but they
need not rob them of the assurance of forgiveness anasonship as
they look forward to their heavenly home. (MR 29 December 49 1)

CF had a tender spot in his heart for the elderly who had
been so cruelly displaced by the events of the war years. Just a
few days before this he was on board ship to bid some farewell.
He says, ”We were overjoyed that the elderly Mrs. Helene
Doerksen was finally able to go. I can still see the sad face of Mrs.
Doerksen when I visited her in the hospital in Gronau, and she
would ask quietly Is there still hope?* I kept reassuring her on
the basis of our experience that she should keep trusting, that
God is able. And when she reads these lines, God willing, she
will be with her daughter in Coaldale, Alberta."

Two days after the dedication he was back in Gronau.

Many of these elderly ones have been waiting for a long time.
The Lord keeps equipping them with patience, but it is not easy for
them. I went to every room and spent some time with each one of
them. They have faith in us ana our efforts on their behalf, but
they like to hear about it, directly, once in a while. That is under-
standable. Each one is dear to us and precious to the Lord. Before
I left there was a little incident: the ladies came forward and
surprised me with a Christmas present. I planned to open it at
Christmas, but eventually broke down and did it there. It was a
beautiful handmade pillowslip covered with cross stitch. That is
what our dear old sisters are like; they delight in making others
happy, and in the process they forget about their own distress. I
was deeply moved by this experience.

On my way back to Frankfurt, driving bumper to bumper in
a thick fog, I had lots of time to reflect on how much happier we
would all be if we were also motivated to provide joy for our neigh-
bor. (MR 21 December 49 1)

In providing shelter for the older generation there is little
doubt that CF had caught the spirit of the fourth commandment
which exhorts children of God to honor their parents in the faith.
Moses was not just talking about the respect of children for
parents in the nuclear family, but was addressing the larger sub-
ject of the relationship between the generations. What a bless-
ing for a people and for a land, when God turns the hearts of

206

fathers to their children and the hearts of children to their fathers.

The second home for the elderly, TrtedenshorT (Peaceful
Refuge) was opened in October 1950 and CF had the joy of at-
tending its dedication in Enkenbach near Kaiserslautern. He
traveled from Frankfurt early that morning in a thick fog ( together
with his friend H.H. Janzen. The sun broke out upon them as
blessing from above, at 10:00 in the morning during the service.
The home could accomodate 75 residents, and the house parents
were his friends Heinrich and Hanna Bartel, whom he first got to
know in Danzig back in 1930 at the second World Conference.

Because he was involved through all the planning stages, he
was asked to address some words to the meeting. He spoke
directly to the elderly using James 5:7- 1 1 as his text,

Be patient, therefore, brethren, until the coining of the Lord.
Behold, the farmer waits for the precious fruit of the earth, being
patient over It until it receives the early and the late rain. You also
be patient. Establish your hearts, for the coining of the Lord is at
hand." >f We are thankful for you, especially, who have found a tem-
porary home here. We rejoice with you. It has been a long jour-
ney. You had put a lot of hard work and effort into your homes
back in Prussia. You looked forward to spending the latter years
in your own homes. How differently things have turned out. Why?
The Lord alone knows why you became links in a long chain of suf-
fering. After the flight from Prussia with all its terrors, the tem-
porary stops along the way, and the tough conditions in refugee
camps, you have finally come to rest. Now you have time to reflect,
in peace and quiet you can read your bibles, and get things into
perspective. Like Maiy, you can sit at the Lord's feet. May the Lord
bless you richly, and fill you with the kind of love that gives itself
as a living sacrifice'. May His pleasure rest upon this house, and
upon all who go in and out. (MR 8 November 50 1)

Just before Christmas, on December 17th, CF was back in
Enkenbach at the Old Peoples' Home to join in the celebration of
the Bartefs Silver Wedding. CF really enjoyed this kind of fami-
ly celebration and was delighted to be there. The Bartels were
greatly appreciated as house parents and for this special celebra-
tion their children had arrived as well— all that is, but Walter their
youngest, who had left for Canada a few weeks previously. He
was the first to go. Later they would all follow him, and together
with the parents, would settle in the Agassiz/Rosedale area of
British Columbia. CF presented the couple with a beautiful edi-

207

tion of the Bible with their names engraved on it. The sons, Hans
and Siegfried remember particularly that CF exhorted them to
remember two things when they arrive in Canada: first, to remain
humble and flexible in the face of all the new adjustments, and
second, to continue to nourish their 'sense of family.’ CF was
conscious of the fact that the family In America, even among Men-
nonites, was under attack and stood in danger of being com-
promised and eroded.

Because he couldn’t get home for Christmas, CF decided to
spend Christmas Eve with these elderly folk at Enkenbach,
Christmas Day with those at Leutesdorf, and Boxing Day (Dec
26th) with the refugees in Gronau. He had planned ahead and
arranged with some Mennonite women’s groups in BC and Win-
nipeg to make up Christmas parcels as a surprise for the old
people. He took a great delight in this, and the festivities at each
place were much appreciated. From the ‘peaceful refuge’ of
Friedenshort he sent the following Christmas message to the con-
gregations back home in Canada:

With Christmas just around the comer, we continue to hurry
from one task to another, and from one tough case to another. How
wonderful to know that the Lord is watching over us; how precious
to be conscious of His daily presence. Today as I pen these lines
the storm clouds are threatening on the political horizon in the Far
East, and the ‘Peace on earth’ of the angels at Bethlehem seems
far removed from the naked reality of our days. And yet we know
that the greeting is relevant for today, especially for today. God’s
peace is directed toward every human heart. Do we have this
peace? Have we become peacemakers? May Christ the Prince of
Peace come into His own among us. in every family, every home,
and every congregation. (MR 20 Dec. 50: 1}

On December 6th 1 952, CF participated in the dedication of
the third home for the elderly at Pinneberg (‘Abendfrieden’) fifteen
miles from Hamburg, He said, "That the ‘Mennonite Old Peoples’
Home Society’ has been able to establish three homes in barely
four years is an accomplishment worth underlining. The German
Mennonite congregations contributed generously, the MCC did
its part, and last but not least, the State makes a contribution
toward the support of each resident. I wish that brother Hein-
rich Bartel, formerly in Enkenbach and now of Agassiz BC, could

208

have been here. Already back In 1947 he believed firmly that
such a Home could be established. Alongside the ‘Marienburg*
in Leutesdorf, and the ‘Friedenshort’ in Enkenbach. we now have
‘Abendfrieden’ in Pinneberg. May God bless the residents and
those who care for them. (MR 27 December 1952 4-5)

‘Abendfrieden’ (Peace at Evening) gave expression to CF’s
desire that after lives filled with strife and turmoil and the 'heat
of the day.’ these refugees could experience God’s peace In the
evening of their lives.

Housing Settlements

The other focus of CF’s concern for the homeless who
remained in Europe, was the work of housing settlements for
families. Since 1 945 and the widespread devastation that existed
in the aftermath of the War, the German government had been
faced with a massive housing crisis. CF reports: "In 1939 there
were 10. 1 million dwellings in West Germany, but 2.5 mini on
dwellings were totally demolished during the war. In the period
from 1945 to 1952, 1.4 million dwellings were created. In order
to accomodate those who were bombed out, as well as the home-
less refugees that had been added to the population. West Ger-
many would need 4 million new dwellings. It’s astounding that
West Germany has been able to do as much as it has since the
currency reform. It is into this larger scene, that our little Men-
nonite housing projects have played a modest part.” (DM
February 53)

These Mennonite housing projects occupied much of CF’s
attention in the early 50s. One such project was the one at
Neuwied. Plans and preparations had been underway since the
summer of 1950 to build a thirty house settlement Just outside
Neuwied at Niederbieber-Tomey. CF had been involved in the
discussions both in Bonn and with the local authorities and now
the foundations for the first houses had been poured. This mat-
ter was greatly facilitated by the six month assignment of C.L.
Graber. a businessman from Goshen Indiana, who had arrived in
October 1950, to take over the business details. He had arranged
for building blocks to be made out of pumice which was common

209

In the vicinity of Neuwied. Together with the MCC a local
businessman bought a press and with MVS supplying the labor
MCC got half of the blocks.

CF’s first Involvement with building homes for refugees
began two years earlier at Espelkamp. It served them as a kind
of pilot project. Espelkamp was located In a heavily wooded area
between Osnabrueck and Minden In Westphalia, in north-west
Germany. It was the site of a Nazi munitions factory, which
hadn’t been completely destroyed during the war. Refugees, in-
cluding some Mennonite ones, began to gather there shortly after
the close of the war and tried to make some basic repairs to the
buildings to accomodate their families. It eventually became
necessary to organize and to work according to an overall plan,
with the thought that a city of up to 10,000 people could grow up
there. Light industry was invited in to provide work for the
refugees. The MCC and 'Evangelische Hilfswerk,’ the relief or-
ganization of the Lutheran State church, were both involved right
from the beginning.

This working together of American and German youth was
highlighted in a local German paper.

One day in early May 1948, a train stopped at the little sta-
tion of Espelkamp-Mittwald, a station which still had no roof and
no proper building. The people that got off with their suitcases
ana boxes and spades, had a long journey behind them. They had
come from North America. They are American Mennonites. The
next day they were at the building sites standing right next to the
German refugee settlers.

'You’re Americans?" Yes." "How much do you get per hour?"
"Nothing." You must get something for your work." ’TJo." "Why are
you doing it?" "For the Lord.”

What sort of strange Americans, to have crossed the ocean
to help German refugees and returned prisoners of war to build
their homes— at their own expense. Is this what we imagined
‘Amis’ to be like?

These men invited us after work in the evening to the bar-
racks where they are housed. Some of us might have gone the first
time hoping for some American cigarettes or coffee. On the table
lies an open bible. An hour long Bible study follows. This went on
night after night and became part of the routine. During the day.

210

the spade; in the evenings, the Bible. Among the first pioneers of
Espelkamp this became a new life-style, and it has endured to the
present. It's a kind of ^hurch-on-the-dob-Site/

Except for a few of them* these American young volunteers
have returned home. While here they built twenty homes for their
brothers in the faith who were driven from their homes by the Rus-
sians. The Bible studies have continued on, (H. Penner WB 116).

The ones who stayed on, belonged to a Conservative Men-
nonite group* who continued the good work* finally building a
Meeting Room where church services have continued to this day.
CF was at the dedication of the building and was impressed with
the good witness for Christ that was going on. To him it was
another good example of how a humble beginning in relief work,
can develop into mission work, finally leaving a church in its
wake.

During the early months of 1951 CF was busy at Bonn get-
ting permits, and in the banks arranging mortgages and the other
financing for another housing settlement planned for Backnang,
twenty miles north east of Stuttgart in south Germany. His
friend* Fritz Stauffer, a banker in Ludwigshafen* was a great help
to him in this regard.

Reporting on the progress of the housing work CF writes,

Our settlement projects in West Germany are progressing
more slowly than we nad anticipated. The first thirty houses in
Neuwied were to be occupied in March* but inclement weather has
held things up. The other projects in Espelkamp* Gronau* Back-
nang, and Frankfurt are taking shape and construction should
soon begin. The financing of these settlements is difficult* espe-
cially since mortgages have become difficult to arrange in the last
while. Hie arrivS of the first team of twenty PAX men has been a
great encouragement. Their help will also reduce the costs con-
siderably, We are sorry that the CL Grabers will be returning to
Goshen May 6th. Their six months with MCC in the settlement
work have passed all too quickly. We will miss them sorely* (MR
2 May 51 4)

During a brief trip home to Canada in May 1951 CF reported
on this aspect of his work in each of the five western provinces
as well as at the MCC executive meeting.

November 9, 1952* marked a milestone for the settlement

211

work; the dedication of the first two of the ten projected buildings
in the settlement at Backnang. Each building contained six
apartments, making a total of sixty. It had been over a year ago
that CF had first met with Richard Rupp, the leader of the Men-
nonite refugees (most of whom had come from Galicia in Poland)
and with representatives of the south German Mennonites, to
begin to plan this project. The financial arrangements were real-
ly complex and had taxed CF’s patience to the limit, but finally
they were ready to begin. Construction commenced in February
1951 with the arrival of a Mennonite Voluntary Service unit, made
up of German, American, and Dutch Mennonite youth. In May
the first PAX boys arrived on the scene, a presence of dedicated
Mennonite young men who were to make a vital contribution to
the rebuilding of postwar Europe in the next decade.

The PAX program represented a particular thrust in the
American Mennonite C.O. cause at the time of the Korean War,
which broke out in June 1950. At that time in America, young
men of conscription age were encouraged to offer themselves for
voluntary service projects even before the draft went into effect.
Thus the TAX’ program, supported and funded by the local con-
gregations of the volunteers, was already in place and effective
when young men first began to be called to serve in Korea. This
PAX budget was not to undercut any other church giving and was
to be over and above any other donations. Their story, which also
took them to many other needy parts of the world, is told in Urie
A. Bender’s Soldiers of Compassion (Herald Press: Scottdale PA,
1969).

When the PAX boys arrived in Backnang they had to be
housed at the train station hotel until the first house was com-
pleted and they could move into it. The refugees themselves, who
were still in refugee barracks, arranged to help support these
volunteers out of their own meagre means. All the work, except
for the installation of doors and windows, was done by the PAX
boys— sometimes under the supervision of a German "Meister,"
who marvelled at their varied abilities. CF too, was very proud of
these young men, both for their building accomplishments and
their Christian witness, and commended them wherever he went.
Now the first two houses were ready to be dedicated.

It was a festive occasion. People had come from far and near

212

to rejoice together. The service was outside and began with the
reading of Psalm 147 f "The Lord builds up Jerusalem; He gathers
the outcasts of Israel He heals the brokenhearted and binds up
their wounds,” Outcasts they were Indeed, and eager to once
more have a little place they could call their own,

Ulrich Hege was the main speaker and he used as his text
the words of Jesus in Luke 10:5, ’When you come into a house,
say: peace be to this house,” Selections by the PAX choir was a
reminder to all that this was a united venture involving the larger
brotherhood. Then CF spoke to them about the great privilege of
being able to trust God. What seemed impossible two years ago,
now stood there completed before them. "If we will do what we
can do, God will do those things that we couldn't possibly do!"
As they circled the buildings they sang hymns of gratitude and
praise to God, accompanied by a south German Mennonite brass
band.

One Refugee Family

Here is the story of one of the families that moved into these
newly prepared apartments. Their story is typical.

The Heinrich Warkentin family of Liebenau, Ukraine, South-
west Russia, had been fortunate in 1941 when German armies first
invaded from the west. Just before the Germans arrived, a one-
night evacuation order was effected by the Russians and hundreds
of families separated as persons, loaded atop open freight cars,
were transported to Siberia. German forces, however, gained the
area before Warkentins were taken, and they were able to return
to their farm.

However, in fleeing ahead of the returning Russian front in
November 1943, Mr and Mrs Warkentin with two young sons plus
Mrs Warkentin's mother, left their home farm and most posses-
sions behind.

They reached a displaced persons' camp in Poland in early
*44 but Heinrich was drafted into the German army later that year,
leaving his family to move farther west with the mass of refugees,
mostly women and children.

Overtaken by the Russian army in January of *45, Mrs
Warkentin says she cannot adequately describe the suffering which

213

so many humans endured during 1945 and '46 in those Polish DP
camps. She thought at first that they, being of German descent,
would be shot by the Russians, and later almost wished it had been
so when inhuman treatment, disease, and starvation worsened,
claiming dozens each day.

Filth prevailed as the camps had no sanitary facilities or
privacy. Women had to work on the roads with no more to eat than
a bit of thin soup. Mrs Warkentin considers it a miracle that she,
for one period oi five weeks, had a job where a little bread could
also be obtained.

Later when, against terrific protests, all children were taken
away to a different camp (hers were then ages two and five), she
lost all will to live and lay sick for days. She recalls another
'miracle 1 at that time of someone finding an old familiar hymn book
which helped give her courage to go on. She also found her boys
among 240 other starving youngsters and managed to get them
back.

The war ended in May 1945, but Mr Warkentin was hospital-
ized in Germany with a wound. He heard no word about his fami-
ly until January 1946, when a friend wrote that he knew of them
still alive in Poland. Warkentin later heard that they would be
trying to come out to Berlin with one of the large DP transport
trains in December He spent a very anxious Christmas wonder-
ing if they might have been caught by the Russians and sent back
as prisoners.

When they arrived safely in Berlin in January 1947, Mrs
Warkentin, the boys, and grandmother received their first assis-
tance from MCC in die form of food, clothing, and transportation
to West Germany, life in a series of camps followed, usually
together with other Mennonite refugees.

In February, Warkentin met his wife for the first time in two
and a half years and later joined his family at a refugee camp in
Munich.

Alter years in the old camp barracks at Backnang, during
which time a third son was bom and grandmother emigrated to
Canada, the Warkentins were now finally able to move into a PAX
house. Their apartment, like the others, included a living room,
kitchen, bath and two bedrooms (U Bender 37-9).

It was stories like these that were a continuing burden on
CFs heart and gave him the sense that no effort on the part of
MCC and the wider Mennonite brotherhood was too great in the
face of the challenge posed by these homeless people.

214

He expressed this concern in an article, (A Home of One's
Own 1 ) written in 1953, which appeared in DerMennonit (Feb) and
the Rundschau (March):

Whoever is privileged enough to live in his own home year in
and year out* is able to rid himself of any debts against it, is able
to make changes to suit his own tastes, enjoys family privacy, has
a kitchen aiuf stove over which mother rules, and is able to mini-
ster freety to his own children and friends without some neighbor
taking offence or getting involved— that person* is probably in great
danger of taking all these special privileges for granted* He is also
in danger of forgetting that as a result of the War and its aftermath
there are millions of families who are now homeless* families whose
greatest wish is once more to have a place they can call home*

Anyone who has had the opportunity to speak to former
refugees or to read their letters, and knows something of what they
went through, the terrible experiences in Russia, the years of flight
with all its fears and deprivations, the time of anxiously waitingror
a visa, the difficult adjustments and hard work in the new world,
will have some appreciation for the deep joy they experience when
they once more nave their own home* This is as true in South
America* where the beginnings are veiy tough and the new home
quite primitive, as it is in North America, where the beginnings are
also not easy, but where the new home is much more modem* I
recently had a letter from Canada from a former refugee with a
large family, who tells me how happy he and his wife are now that
they have a home to which their working children can return and
feel welcome*

Whoever is enjoying the advantages of a home, even if it is
rented, has little idea what those are going through who are
deprived of this. You could say that a home is a basic prerequisite
for well-ordered family life.

Sensing God's heart of mercy for the homeless, CF expres-
ses here the driving force behind his labors down the years: to
see the multitudes of war -tossed pilgrims blessed with a place of
refuge at last, a home of their own. Yet he knew that he was not
alone in this concern; it was shared by the wider German brother-
hood who were eager to shoulder more of the responsibility of this
ministry. As a leader CF had been able to mobilize and motivate
many, but now he saw the need for the formation of a society to
ensure the ongoing effectiveness of the work* Thus the Afert-
nontttsche Siedlurtgshilfe (Mennonite Settlement-Help) came into

215

being (July 53).

At its founding meeting in Ludwigshafen all eight German
Mennonite Conferences and societies were represented. CF
reviewed the work of the settlements built thus far. MCC through
its PAX boys had contributed 2, OCX) DM worth of labor for each
settler, which was the equivalent of the contribution the State ex-
pected from each eligible settler if the project was to qualify for
State funds. And the PAX boys were doing this while paying for
their own transportation and upkeep, which cost each PAX boy
about $1 ,800 US. CF also reminded them that between 1945 and
1952 the MCC contributed in money and goods, roughly
$6,000,000 toward the total relief effort in Germany.

As the work now passed more to the shoulders of the Ger-
man brethren CF was convinced that the inter-church coopera-
tion, facilitated by MCC, would not undermine
Church-Conference structures, but would rather strengthen
them. This transfer of responsibility also gave expression to an
MCC goal; that works such as these could eventually be turned
over to the German Mennonites minimizing the effects of
‘Americanization.’

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Chapter 19

CELEBRATIONS

"O give thanks to the Lord, for He is good ..." (Ps 1 06:1).

On December 20th, 1949, CF left Europe, completing his
sixth mission to the refugees. On the 23rd he was In Winnipeg
reporting on the work and visiting some of his relatives and
friends there. But he reached BC by the 24th to be together with
his family for Christmas on their little farm just south of Ab-
botsford. In the years since he had left Canada, he had spent a
few Christmases away from his wife and family, at times with
families who had also been separated from one another for years.
Meanwhile his own children had grown up, and this was the last
Christmas they were all together at home.

On this occasion they were able to spend a few happy days
together. CF was also glad to meet Mary’s sister Irmgard Sadikoff
and her husband Peter and daughter Wera. Their son Saroja had
died in combat. Mary sponsored her sister's family, and a little
later her other sister Erika Kariton as well. Erika was a widow
and arrived In Canada with two children in their early twenties,
Inge and Werner. They had also come as refugees into West Ger-
many and CF had been able to look them up there and help them.
Her sisters still related to the Lutheran church.

When the Sadikofis first arrived in Canada they lived
together with Mary and the children. An awkward situation arose
that she handled quite Ingeniously and humorously. She told
Cornelius that she knew they smoked, and yet she didn’t want
the house filled with smoke, so the first morning when they came

217

down for breakfast, Mary had a chocolate bar beside each plate,
and said with a smile "that’s your breakfast cigarette." They got
the message and cooperated by only smoking outside. They
were, of course, soon able to move into their own home.

CF left to report to the MCC executive committee meeting in
Chicago on January 4, 1950. He was able to tell them that there
were only 1 , 130 Russian Mennonite refugees left, and that arran-
gements were well under way to care for them all. From Chicago
he went on to Ottawa to appeal again on behalf of his ‘hard-core
cases’— those who were presenting problems to the immigration
process .

On January 22nd he was back at the South End Church in
Winnipeg reporting on the refugee situation. It was a bitterly cold
day but the church was filled to capacity. In his report CF un-
derlined the important role of the MCC— founded thirty years ear-
lier. "Where would we be today in our relief efforts if a start hadn’t
been made then? What we have done in weakness through a rela-
tively small organization, has touched the lives of millions of
people. All this was made possible by the volume of prayer that
has risen up from our congregations. This is what has carried
the work forward and has wrought miracles. At times, when all
our efforts seemed dashed to the ground, it was renewed faith
and hope and love that carried the day. Perseverance ac-
complished what were regarded in Europe as miracles of mercy.
We were concerned to help our refugee brothers and sisters,
nobody was to be overlooked or pushed aside, and impossible
things have been accomplished."

Among all the things he mentioned, two things stood out and
were remembered by many. The first was the story of the old,
shabbily dressed refugee couple that arrived at a camp pushing
a carriage containing all their earthly possessions. "Is that all you
have left in this world,” I asked them? "No,” they said, "besides
this, we still have our faith!" What a wonderful testimony. How
sad, that in better circumstances, the opposite is true for some
Christians— they are loaded down with the things of this world,
and in the process have lost their faith.

The other thing that many remembered was the fact that on
the dashboard of his car was a little verse that accompanied him
on the tens of thousands of miles he drove criss-crossing Europe,

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"He leads me in paths of righteousness (in German it reads ‘auf
rechter Strasse’— on the right street), for His name’s sake” (Ps
23:3). This applied even in the two car accidents he had, through
which God ministered to him as well. God disciplines every one
of His children, for their good. "Shall we receive good at the hand
of the Lord and not trouble?"

CF closed the meeting with these prophetic words:

The Mennonite relief work in Germany is crucial, but we will
not be content with that. We are people of vision who believe that
Russia will one day open its doors to the Gospel, and that church
bells will once more ring out across its hills and plains. That might
well bring with it challenges even greater than we have yet faced.
Will we be prepared to go all the way with our help? Many practi-
cal needs are being met, but it is above all, the spirit of man that
needs to be nourished. 'Our souls thirst for God, for the living
God.' (MR 1 February 50 1)

CF was grateful to be able to return to Canada on August
24th at the close of his seventh mission to Europe to be with his
family in BC, to join in the festivities as his son Walfried, 23, was
married to Helen Rempel, the daughter of his good friend Abram
Rempel. Rempel was the first pastor of the South Abbotsford MB
church, where CF's family now attended. Rempel was also one
of the founders of the Mennonite Educational Institute in 1946,
the school from which CF’s daughter Irmy had just graduated.
Walfried had had been teaching there for two years already, and
Harold would also be joining the staff shortly. This was the first
wedding in the family. CF was amazed at how quickly his
children were growing up. He had written a long letter to his three
sons from Geneva in April 1949 assuring them of his prayers and
exhorting them to put God first when the subject of a life’s partner
would arise. He was very pleased on this occasion with his son’s
choice and was happy to add his blessing to the union.

A year later he was back home for the wedding of his oldest
son Harold, to Ruth Thiessen, the youngest daughter of his
recently deceased friend Franz C. Thiessen. And it was on this
trip that he had the great Joy of seeing and holding his first
grandchild. He was named Cornelius Franz Klassen, after his
grandfather, and was bom to Walfried and Helen on July 12,

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1951.

Home, in the meanwhile, had changed locations once more.
With all the children at university, even the ten acre property on
McCallum Road was too large. Mary was a great walker, and on
one of her walks to visit a friend, she noticed an old for sale sign
half hidden in the bushes. She believed the Lord had led her, and
on locating the elderly pioneer who owned it, bought the two acres
for $2,000. It was a lovely spot in Clearbrook just west of Ab-
botsford, on top of a hill affording a beautiful view in all direc-
tions. She hired a Mennonite builder who, together with her sons,
quickly erected a three bedroom bungalow. The inside finishing
wasn’t completed when CF arrived, but Mary had a gift at making
it very ‘homey,’ and even with some bare two-by-fours showing
they were able to host many of his friends during the next weeks.

Silver Wedding

On Saturday, September 11, 1951, at the M.E.I. auditorium,
just down the hill from their new place, Cornelius and Mary were
able to be present at two significant events; the first was the
celebration of their Silver Wedding Anniversary, and the second
was a celebration of their thirty-five years of service to the wider
Mennonite brotherhood. For those who are granted long years
till the Golden Wedding at fifty years, a Silver Wedding is Just the
half-way mark. No one at CF’s Silver Wedding or the gathering
later that evening at the M.E.I. would have guessed that this
celebration was so near to the end of his life pilgrimage.

Both occasions were times of great joy and thankfulness to
God for His hand of mercy on Cornelius and Mary’s life. As al-
ways CF was quick to give glory to God and acknowledgment to
all his co-workers.

The Silver Wedding afforded Cornelius and Mary, the rare
privilege of a family celebration. Among those who spoke were
Abram H. Unruh of Winnipeg and Peter J. Dyck, CF’s brother-
in-law. Brother Unruh’s long friendship with the couple enabled
him to express the heart of their life and service— the sustaining
and keeping power of God who says. "Hearken to me.. .all.. .who
have been borne by me from your birth, carried from the womb;

220

even to your old age I am He, and to your grey hairs I will cany
you. I have made, and 1 will bear; I will carry and I will save" (Is
46:3-4). Likening CF’s life to that of an eagle he recalled the
destruction of the nest in Russia and the thrusting forth onto new
paths. God carried CF and his family many times during the en-
suing years. He noted that CF in all his work in Russia, Canada
and Europe had grown to a place of utter dependency on God and
a great awareness of His steadfast love and mercy. Sensing some
of the fatigue of the past twenty- five years he encouraged the
couple to look to God the one who both carries and lifts his
children. He exhorted them to look forward to God’s power in the
next twenty-five years to prove that promise ”1 will lift you, carry
you, save you."

The prayer of dedication and blessing was a solemn moment
when brother Unruh asked the congregation to rise while he him-
self went down and laid hands on the kneeling couple, praying
for God’s continued hand on them and their family. How wonder-
ful that they could acknowledge together In the context of their
Canadian brethren, the blessing God had in His mercy bestowed
on the work they had been called to do. The past was clearly and
gratefully delineated, the presence of their thankful family and of
many refugees at the ceremony attested to divine approval on this
couple. The unknown future of CF’s continued service would be
all too brief. But this gratifying moment served as a fitting mile-
stone of his life motto "Gott kann." Though the path had often
been hard, CF’s faith in God’s power to act never dimmed. He
summed up their pilgrimage In the words of Psalm 23:3 "He
leadeth me in paths of righteousness for His name’s sake."

Thirty-Five Year Anniversary

The evening of the same day saw a full gathering at the MEI
to celebrate thirty-five years of ministry to his people. Ebenezer:
'hitherto the Lord has helped us’ was the theme chosen for the
evening. Surrounded by many whose lives had found new hope
and meaning through the help of CF in Europe, it was an emo-
tional evening for him. Peter Dyck spoke about CF’s example of
servanthood, of gaining the trust and confidence of those he was

221

serving, and of gaining credibility with those in high places whose
help had often been crucial. He moved between both with the
same childlike trust and faith. Dyck also reflected on CF’s uni-
que role: neither a ‘preacher* nor a ‘missionary,’ he was widely
used of God to bear witness to His master in a great variety of
places and also to teach the brotherhood about service,
peacemaking, the meaning of the church and the ongoing need
for the education and nurture of God’s people. He prayed this
much needed ministry would continue to bless the brotherhood
for many years to come.

It fell to B.B. Janz, chairman of the Canadian Mennonite
Relief Committee, to survey the vista of thirty-five years service
of CF. Quoting from Psalm 1 15: 1 "Not to us O Lord, not us, but
to thy Name give glory,” he focussed on praise and thanksgiving
for all the ‘miracles of grace that accompanied them on their
pilgrimage.’

For the sake of generations to come, he felt there was a need
to draw attention to these things, by now perhaps unfamiliar to
many. Since B.B. Janz’s life had run parallel to CF’s he was able
to survey with accuracy the three major periods— Russia,
Canada, and Europe. Recalling their time in prison in Russia
and their respective escapes from Moscow, he thanked God for
his timely deliverance for them both. Surveying the world-wide
brotherhood of Mennonites he observed "The Mennonites of the
world have gone through deep times of testing: in Holland, in Rus-
sia, in France, and in Germany. Only the North American Men-
nonites have been spared thus far. Is our time also coming?"

B.B. Janz commented on CF’s leadership during the
Canadian period in conscientiously shrinking the Reiseschuld
debt until everything was paid up— fit tribute to the uniting of the
brotherhood around a common task. And referring to the cur-
rent period of service in Europe, on the front lines,’ he encouraged
all present to continue their prayers for the refugee ministry.

Heinrich Wiebe spoke emotionally on behalf of the many new
immigrants, one time refugees who had turned out for the oc-
casion.

In 1 Thess. 5: 18 it says, ‘In everything give thanks.’ Be thank-

222

ful even when our mother and father, or our children* maybe our
last child* has been torn from us never to be seen again? It was
not easy to give thanks "in eveiything.*

We look into your eyes today and gratefully acknowledge that
your gifts and prayers kept us above water* kept us alive. We stand
amazed at the love of God and the help He extended to us* through
you all* and through brother Klassen* in particular We don't have
silver and gold, but we do have hearts overflowing with gratitude
and deep feelings of love. We love you* brother Klassen, and your
family* and we pray that God will bless you and keep you* (MR 26
September 51 11)

OF was deeply moved when a love-gift of money collected
from friends of his across Canada for the occasion, was given to
him through brother C,A. DeFehr. Recalling the past years of his
life CF spoke gratefully of God’s many blessings of home and fami-
ly and faith* of the trust he had received from his brothers and
sisters both in Canada and back in Europe* and the privilege of
being God’s co-worker in the refugee ministry.

In his closing remarks he recalled the story of the couple
whom he’d met,

,,, pushing a baby carriage loaded down with some bundles. They
were Mennonite refugees, I asked them, “'Is this all you've got left?"
"No*" they said* M we still have our faith."

Since then 12*000 refugees have come to North and South
America and have found refuge. Their trust was rewarded* God
granted us outstanding co-workers. I didn't do much more than

g ray, and believe, ana push. The biggest job was done by the
rethren at this end*

Through it all* one thing stood out: 'God is abler And that's
why it is not presumptuous to close with this quote from Paul: "For
I am sure, that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities,
nor things present* nor things to come, nor powers, not height, nor
depth* nor anything else in all creation, will be able to separate us
from the love of God in Christ Jesus our Lord!" (Rom 8:37-39)* In
this confidence I would like to continue my service, as long as the
Lord and the churches would like me to. I would also like to thank
you for the love and kindness you have shown me today* and espe-
cially for the gift. I would also like to testify today that I would not
have been able to carry out my service without the help of my wife
and children, I am not worthy of all this love. It humbles me, that
God has let me see this day* (MR 26 September 5 1 3*6)

Closing the event was Elder Heinrich Epp, pastor of the West

223

Abbotsford church (father of author Frank Epp), who drew the
assembly’s attention once again to God’s grace: "Isn’t it wonder-
ful what the grace of God can do with a man."

With this series of celebrations completed, the pull to return
to Europe was strong again.

CF was essentially a family man. As has been shown, the
separation from loved ones for the sake of his work in Europe was
never easy for him. Maiy had been strong and faithful on the
home front and this had somewhat eased his burden. J.B. Toews
has commented that CF could never have done the work he did,
had it not been for the wife God gave him.

Yet now the major task of raising the family would soon be
over. Where was ‘home’ for CF and Mary? His sense of belong-
ing to the refugees and the German brethren was strong. Yet Mary
was his wife and her bond with Canada was equally strong.
Would God finally make it possible for them to work side by side
again as they had in Moscow many years previously? Or could
they return to Canada laying aside the bonding of relationships
that had become so precious to CF in the post-war years?

These questions were in CF’s heart as he returned to Europe
on November 30, 1951. The family discussions didn’t seem to
resolve anything. But the future was in God’s hands.

224

Chapter 20

UNITING THE WIDER
MENNONITE
BROTHERHOOD

"That they may all be one..." (Jn 17:21).

During the years of CF’s service in Europe one role that
caused him to become a familiar figure to Americans and
Europeans alike was his liason work between MCC and the Ger-
man, Swiss, French and Dutch Mennonltes. A close working
relationship was essential if all the relief and service efforts of the
wider Mennonite Brotherhood could have maximum effective-
ness. Having lived in Canada for fifteen years as a German-
speaking Russian Mennonite CF was able to relate to both groups.
And since his first coming to Germany in 1 945 he had had a deep
interest in the spiritual life of the European brethren. As we’ve
seen, it involved him with Harold Bender in the first
‘Glaubenskonferenz’ in Basel in 1947,

The third Conference in Basel was in August 1949 and CF
was glad to be a part of it. The attendance had doubled from the
first conference to the second, and now it jumped to over seven
hundred, with the meetings being held in the large new Reformed
Church— the ‘Johanneskirche.’ The Mennonite congregations in
Basel still handled the billeting and feeding. Among the seven-
teen speakers was Harold Bender speaking on "Faith, Love and
the Cross: the Testimony of our Anabaptist Forefathers," and CF

225

Klassen speaking on "The Homeless Find a Homeland.’ The over-
all theme for the conference was Discipleship; following Jesus.

MCC Study Mission

In August of 1950 a crucial series of meetings was held which
again drew on CF’s five years’ of working experience in the
European context— the MCC Study Mission. It began July 29th
in Frankfurt with a series of meetings, and moved on to Holland
and France spending a few days in each, and then ended up in
Basel where they would also take in the fourth Basel
Glaubenskonferenz together.

The MCC was represented by Harold Bender, Orie Miller, and
Henry Fast from America, and C.F. Klassen, Paul Peachey, and
Harold Buller from Europe. AE Kreider represented the General
Conference Mennonites, H.H. Janzen the Mennonite Brethren,
John Moseman the (Old) Mennonites, and C.N. Hosteter the
Brethren in Christ. The German Mennonites were represented
by men like Benjamin Unruh, Emil Heandiges, Richard Hertzler,
Otto Schowlater and others.

At the Frankfurt meeting it was agreed:

1) that the MCC would continue with its responsibility for
the work in Vienna,

2) that the work in Berlin should come under the German
Mennonites,

3) that the American Mennonites working at Espelkamp
should be encouraged to stay and build a church there,

4) that Emden’s appeal for help in rebuilding their war-
damaged church should be taken up, and

5) that a Continuing Commission should be chosen to over-
see developments affecting the German Mennonites unitedly. CF
was chosen to be on this Commission, and was subsequently
chosen by the members to be its chairman. One of the major con-
cerns of this Commission would be the continuing welfare of the
Danzig refugees in Germany, both physically and spiritually.
Other matters would include the Mennonite community center in
Berlin, the Mennonite high school at Weierhof etc.

At the meeting of the MCC Study Mission with the French

226

Mennonites, CF is remembered particularly because, when the
French Mennonites said they would have to close down the MCC
children's home at Valdoie, CF opposed it saying, ’You can ad-
minister the home yourself; you can keep it going even without
MCC help. You don’t know what you are capable of, until you
try." They took up his challenge, and are operating it as a
children’s home and conference center to this day. The fourth
Basel ‘Glaubenskonferenz’ was a fitting climax to the Study Mis-
sion. It was hailed as a mini- Mennonite World Conference.

CF had been commissioned to lead the conference, assisted
by Fritz Goldschmidt from Basel. The three-fold theme of the Con-
ference was "Conversion— Service— Return of Christ," according
to the text; "...(1) your faith in God has gone forth eveiywhere ...
how you turned to God from idols, (2) to serve a living God, and
(3) to wait for His Son from Heaven...." (1 Thess 1:8, 10).

Bender, among others, spoke on the theme of Conversion,
Pierre Widmer from France, among others, on the theme of Ser-
vice, and Cornelius Wall on the theme of the Return of Christ.
Orie Miller and C.F. Klassen illustrated the theme of Service with
examples from the MCC story past and present. CF summarized
the sessions in these words, "The speakers made it very clear
that only those who have experienced a true new birth, can have
assurance of salvation, can serve the Lord acceptably, and can
truly watch and pray for the Lord’s return. The Lord will certain-
ly bless this witness to his Name." (DM September 50 97)

European Mennonite Bible School

Another concern on CF’s heart was the spiritual nurture of
those in Europe whose faith had been so tried and tested by the
war experience. As a response to this need the European Men-
nonite Bible School was opened in Basel on Novemeber 12, 1950.
What Bender and Klassen had first dreamed about back in 1947,
and had first spoken about openly at the first Glaubenskonferenz
that year, was now a reality. It was just seven months before on
March 20 at the MCC center in Basel that a general meeting had
been called in order to take some practical steps. It became clear
that there was a growing interest among the Swiss, French and

227

German Mennonites, and that the main obstacles were the prac-
tical ones. At that point in the meeting CF spoke up:

I can’t imagine our Canadian churches without their Bible
schools. This is where our youth are receiving the systematic bibli-
cal instruction that is making a real difference In the life of our
congregations. On behalf of the MCC I would propose that if there
are about twenty five young people willing to take a six to eight
weeks course, the MCC will offer its Basel premises at no cost as
the locale. In order to reimburse the teachers, however, and to
provide necessary materials and food, every student would be ex-
pected to pay about 200 Swiss francs. And if a student should not
be able to pay, the MCC would cover for him. When the bible
schools in Canada began, the initiative usually came from a smaller
dedicated group or society. It was only later that the denomina-
tions stepped in. We are on the right track, let’s proceed in faith.
(Minutes 2)

Fritz Goldschmidt thanked the MCC for its generous offer
and it was agreed that they would move forward, A committee
was chosen with a representative from Switzerland, Samuel Ger-
ber; one from the Alsace, Hans Nussbaumer; one from France,
Fierre Widmer; and one from Germany, Christian Schnebele, CF
was asked to attend their meetings whenever possible.

This was a brand new undertaking for the European Men-
nonites and there was considerable anxiety as to how it would
turn out. Applications came in slowly, but on opening day there
were twenty seven, and they came from all the areas represented,
plus a good representation from among the refugees. The teach-
ing staff consisted of Samuel Gerber, Pierre Widmer, Christian
Schnebele, Paul Peachey, and H.H. Janzen.

As it turned out, in its first season, the school just ran for
four weeks, from November 12 to December 10, but it was
generally agreed that it was a great success. The testimonies of
the students and teachers at the closing exercises confirmed this,
as did the testimonies of the churches that the school visited, and
the congregations to which the students returned.

Church Renewal Meetings

From June 28 to July 1 CF was at an historic retreat at the
Thomashof. It was called together by the Continuing Commis-

228

sion of which he was the chairman, and was the first time ever
that German Mennonite ministers from all the different groups
and conferences in Germany met together The Mennonite young
people who had previously taken up the challenge of non-resis-
tance, were now objecting to the young age at which baptisms
traditionally happened in the Mennonite churches in Germany.
So the theme chosen for the conference was the new birth as it
relates to baptism and the nature and mission of the church con-
gregation.

This was another instance where Klassen and Bender linked
together to give of themselves for the spiritual renewal of their
Mennonite brothers and the congregations they represented. As
Bender approached the theme by way of the Anabaptists, it was
clear he spoke with spiritual authority, and participants testified
later that at that point in the proceedings it was no longer a mat-
ter of talking 'about’ our churches, but a matter of wrestling in
the spirit 'for' them. Pastors saw more clearly the need for the
Holy Spirit to baptize men and women into the Body of Christ,
and they cried to God for a restoration of this reality among them .
Conversion and discipleship it was agreed, bring a visible body of
believers into being, not an invisible mixed multitude.

CF as chairman spoke at the concluding service on Satur-
day night. His spirit bore witness to the fact that they had all
been drawn closer to the Lord in the past three days, and that
such fellowship with the Lord leads inevitably to a closer fellow-
ship with one another in the body of Christ, which transcends
Conference and regional barriers. O how we need the power of
the testimony that went forth from our Anabaptist forefathers! in
our weakness we could wish God would send angels to ac-
complish His purposes on earth, but He chooses to work through
imperfect vessels who are made clean by the blood of the Lamb
and are empowered by the Holy Spirit.

His concluding text was Psalm 62:11-12 'Once God has
spoken; twice have I heard this: that power belongs to God ; and
that to thee, O Lord, belongs steadfast love."

"This too, is our confession, that the power to walk in these
things we have discussed, belongs to God" (DM August 51).

For CF the early fifties were years of increasing involvement
in the fife of the European Mennonites, His wholehearted iden-

229

tification with their spiritual development was absorbing his time
and energies. This represented the call of God upon his life In
his final years. There was no ‘official* reason why he should at-
tend all the conferences of the north German 'Vereinigung* or the
south German ‘Verband’ or the ministers and elders meetings and
their various committees and boards— yet he hardly missed one
of them. Nor was there any ‘official* reason why they should want
to have him— although they acknowledged openly how much they
appreciated his vision and concern. He wasnt working with the
refugees in a vacuum, but in the context of the life of the European
Mennonite brotherhood.

Otto Schowalter, pastor of the Mennonite Church in Ham-
burg, traced this role of CF T s back to the fall of 1945,

CF was the first one to break through the wall of hatred that
surrounded Germany at the end of the war. And in the following
years he was the one who took our Dutch brotherhood by one
hand— I think I can dare to say it now— and the German /Prussian
brethren by the other hand, and led them together, painful as it
was. These are historic facts, (DM June 54 85)

Not that he was conscious of this, but there is no doubt that
the inner uprootedness and spiritual plight of the German Men-
nonites were particularly close to CF*s heart. He knew that when
the basic needs for food and clothing were satisfied, the deeper
needs of the inner well-being of individuals and churches would
still be there. He did what he could himself, and he also made
every effort to draw in other men of God as well, men such as H,H,
Janzen, Cornelius WaE, J.J. Thiessen and many others, to min-
ister not only to the refugees but also in the Mennonite churches.
We have already seen how the ‘Faith Conferences* in Basel played
into this, as did the European Mennonite Bible School. Also
meaningful was his role as co- editor (1948-1951 with Harold
Bender) and later editor (1952- 1954), of the MCC journal DerMeri-
nonit, as part of this identification. His leading role at the fifth
Mennonite World Conference which would be meeting in Basel in
August 1952 represents a high point along this line,

A word should be said about the vision behind DerMermordt
It was a very ambitious and comprehensive vision: to unite Ger-
man-speaking Mennonitism around the world, including the

230

three waves of refugees from Russia, in the 1870s, the 1920s and
1940s. These Mennonites were now in four major cultural set-
tings: 1) The original Mennonites who had never left the Rhine
basin, 2) The Mennonites who resettled in Germany in several
waves, 3) The Mennonites In North America, and 4) The Men-
nonites in South America. In some ways it was a hopeless vision,
since each area had its own papers and journals and unique
development. But in some ways it was a beautiful vision, and
was masterfully carried on after CF by Peter J Dyck and others.
There’s no doubt that for a time Der Mennonit did unite Men-
nonites from around the world and did bolster their spiritual
focus.

Shortly after returning to Europe on November 30, 195 1 , CF
was up in Hamburg at a meeting to arrange for a more effective
ministry to the spiritual needs of the Mennonites in the north
German ‘diaspora.’ Hundreds of Prussian Mennonite refugees
were still scattered far and wide with little possibility of attend-
ing church services. It was agreed at this December 10-11 meet-
ing to divide up the region into eleven areas with itinerant
ministers serving in each area. Otto Schowalter says of that
meeting "When the spiritual ministry to the scattered sheep was
finally established in December 195 1 , CF was right there amongst
us. He was a man of hope and that is why he found his way into
those circles where hope was flagging, where people weren’t sure
which way to turn. He not only stirred up hope and courage
amongst us, but tried to help us Germans get our feet into the
stirrup and hoist us up, so that we would take hold of the respon-
sibilities he had already seen in advance." (DM June 1954 85)

Fifth Mennonite World Conference

As the spring of 1952 turned into summer CF turned his at-
tention to the preparations for the fifth Mennonite World Con-
ference, which convened in St. Crischona, just outside Basel,
August 10-15. CF was on the Preparatory Commission along
with fourteen other representatives from all over the world. He
was also on the five member Executive Committee, along with
Harold Bender, who was the chairman. The other three were

231

Meihuizen from Holland, Ulrich Hege from Germany, and Hans
Nussbaumer from France. The theme they agreed on for the Con-
ference was The Church of Jesus Christ and its Task.’ Bender's
special burden was the renewal of the Mermonite churches. CF’s
concern was that the Mennonite church acknowledge the needs
of Its refugees as one of its urgent tasks.

The weeks just before the Conference were very busy ones
for CF. Many of the delegates, particularly those from America,
had arranged to come earlier and wanted to see the refugee camp
at Gronau, the refugee settlements at Neuwied and Backrxang
etc., and the old folks homes at Leutesdorf and Enkenbach. As
‘ambassador’ for the refugees he was their advocate and was kept
on the run showing delegates around and soliciting their support.

At the convention itself, the Wednesday evening session was
dedicated to ‘Our Refugees,’ and PC Hiebert, chairman of the MCC
since its inception in 1920, presided. CF delivered the main ad-
dress on "Our Refugee Work: Past, Present, and Future," and was
followed by J.J. Thiessen speaking on "The Settlement of our
Refugees in Canada." In his talk CF raised the question of who
carries the responsibility for the refugees. At the meeting for
delegates, Ulrich Hege said that the German delegates were deep-
ly moved by CF's challenge and were dedicating themselves
unitedly to shoulder the refugee burden. He then recommended
that this be extended, and the delegates rose as a man and agreed
unanimously that the responsibility for Mennonite refugees in
Germany, their spiritual welfare, their emigration and their set-
tling in Germany, is the responsibility of our total Mennonite
brotherhood. This was a very gratifying moment for CF. His self-
less dedication to the task and his pleading of their cause had
not been in vain. The weeks right after the conference were also
filled with public relations work for the refugee cause.

One of the highlights of the conference, that he underlined
afterwards repeatedly, was the fact that just before his talk, he
was able to introduce to the assembly two of his close friends and
associates, one from Russia. Peter Froese, and one from Canada.
T.O.F. Herzer.

In introducing Herzer, CF reminded the conference guests
that for forty years Herzer had worked for the CPR’s colonization
association and during that time he had been able to help many

232

a Mennonite immigrant get established in Canada, But more
recently he has been the chairman of the Canadian Christian
Council for the Resettlement of Refugees, a joint effort of
Lutherans, Baptists and Mennonites, that has brought a total of
20,000 German refugees out of Germany and Austria to Canada.
Truly a great work of mercy that God has richly blessed,

CF introduced Peter Froese as a brother who had spent many
years in Russian prisons for his faith. The conference welcomed
him as one who represented those many others who have been
imprisoned and have suffered for Christ's sake. It was because
Froese tried to help the Mennonite refugees that gathered in Mos-
cow in 1929, that he was imprisoned for eleven years. What he
endured in those years defies description, and it was a miracle
that he was able to elude the secret police in 1941 and escape to
Germany in 1945. He then addressed the conference briefly with
these words.

It is a most remarkable experience to stand before you today.

It was in January 1925 that the All-Russian Mennonite Congress
gathered in Moscow. I wasn't involved directly in the proceedings,
but I had to clear the way for the Congress with the authorities.

To our amazement, permission was granted. That Congress then
chose a delegate to represent the Russian Mennonites at the first
Mennonite TOsrld Conference meeting In Basel later that year— but
he never got there because the Swiss denied him the entrance visa.
And yet,, here I am, at the fifth Mennonite World Conference, and
able to direct these few words to you. How amazing God's leadings
arel

It hasn't been known that clearly in the West, that when the
emigrants gathered in Moscow in 1929, 400 Mennonites were ar-
rested, and I was the first. Most of them are probably no longer
alive. And why didn't they shoot me at that time? One reason was
the strong interest demonstrated by the second Mennonite World
Conference, meeting in Danzig in 1930. Another reason was the
help that Germany offered, especially through its representative
Professor Auhagen.

My case came up six times in Moscow, but never was I al-
lowed to be present. When in October 1937 they gave me a piece
of paper saying my sentence had been extended for another five
years, I went on a hunger strike. They threw me into an iron cage,
and I had to face the fact that to continue my strike would mean
certain death. Is it right to die like this and shorten my suffering?
This is the question I wrestled with. Politically speaking, death by
hunger strike isn't considered suicide, but spiritually speaking we

233

must drink the cup that ts given us, to the end. I broke my fast,
and a wonderful peace came Into my heart— it was almost like a
state of ecstasy— in that cold cell. It became crystal clear: you must
walk the path of suffering that God has prescribed for you, to the
end. My experience was like Elijah's under the juniper tree: he
wanted to die, but an angel came and woke him and said, stand
up, drink* and eat, for you have a long way before you. My path
too, has been long and difficult; but today, I am here at this World
Conference!

1 can't close, without reminding you of those who are still
there: some dead, some alive. Yes, many have died, but many are
still alive, and under cruel circumstances. But, my brothers and
sisters, in a most amazing way IVe been saved, ana our great God
and Father can save many more out of their bondage (Proc 262-

CF was eager that his brothers and sisters representing our
whole brotherhood should hear these words directly from one who
carried tn his body the marks of his sufferings for Christ, This
theme of costly discipleship, was further strengthened when, on
the last day of the conference, they all traveled to Zurich, where
a service was held on the banks of the Limmat River, to com-
memorate the death 425 years earlier, of Felix Mantz, the first
Anabaptist martyr. When he was being taken out to the middle
of the River, his mother called out to him from the shore, "remain
steadfast, my son." In his spirit, CF could hear thousands of our
suffering brothers and sisters crying, "Pray for us, that our faith
fall not,"

For CF, Peter Froese was a representative of all those 'silent
ones* who had not been able to escape from Russia. Writing on
this in Der Mennontt (Oct 53) he reflects that for those who had
gained their freedom, the exodus was clearly a miracle and he
was the first to encourage them to acknowledge this. "Let's be
humble enough and wise enough to admit it. That our Father in
heaven, who has everything at His command, didn't use angels
but simply fallible humans as His instruments. Is also a
miracle.... We have not yet forgotten the miracle of our
deliverance from the Soviet State. Or have we?"

But CF was exercised about the responsibility the liberated
brethren had to those who had stayed behind:

234

What about those who remained there, who we can't help in
any way, other than through faithful intercession? What about
their oppressors? Do we receive grace from God so that there is
no room in our hearts for hatred against them? Or can we take
even more grace, so that we can pray for our enemies as Christians
should, for those that Satan has blinded? We can barely imagine
the spiritual and physical suffering and manifold tribulations mat
our brethren and millions of others have to go through. One thing
is certain, however, that many of them have learned what it means
to be able to say with the apostle, "No, in all these things we are
more than conquerors through him who loved us/' (Rom 8:37)

One mother wrote years ago from Siberia, from her pitiful sur-
roundings, how her husband Song with others was being forced
further north, leaving her and their two daughters without any
support. They never heard anything from him again. Not long
afterwards the oldest daughter came down with typhus and died?
The mother and youngest daughter buried her there. The mother
made a simple wooden cross to mark the spot, and wrote on it in
pencil with a shaky hand "Und Jesus bleibt doch Sieger" (And
Jesus is nevertheless Victor). Soon after that the mother died, and
God alone knows what became of the other daughter.

We want to be more faithful in our prayers for them! (DM Oc-
tober 53)

The concern for the ‘Silent Ones' was a heavy burden on CFs
heart that he would carry with him to the grave. In his life he
saw the fulfillment of many tasks and goals. Yet there Is an in-
completeness to life, and it is fitting that one part of the legacy he
leaves to us and succeeding generations should contain within it
an invitation: the call to carry that burden on our own hearts till
It too be fulfilled- the burden to minister to his brethren back in
Russia. With the passing of the years, and the tides of history
those with whom he shared his life are long since gone; scattered
to Siberia, to Germany, to North and South America and many
other parts of the earth. Yet the seed of some of those who were
put to death still lives on. Some of them lost their faith, while in
others, miraculously, it was preserved.

CFs hope and dream that one day church bells would again
ring out in Russia was partially fulfilled a generation later in 1 988
when that country celebrated the millenium of Christianity (988-
1988). And in 1989 many were present In Karaganda and Chor-
tltza for the Anniversary of the advent of the Mennonites to Russia
in 1789. Even more significant was the ringing of bells in Mos-

235

cow on New Years’ day 1990, bells in Red Square, marking the
turn in the tide of a new attitude towards religious freedom. While
there is much repression still in communist lands there are many
heartening signs of the presence of a vibrant faith in Russia. Al-
ready many contacts are being renewed, families being reunited
both in Europe and North America. Though the gates are not yet
wide open, they are open enough that many of our leaders have
in recent years made fruitful and rewarding trips back to the land
of their forefathers. But this is taking us beyond our story. As
CF passed the torch on to succeeding generations, he like Moses
saw God’s promises afar. May his faith be satisfied in this genera-
tion as they in turn seek to serve God in their times.

236

Chapter 21

THE LAST YEAR

"My times are in your hand ..." (Ps 31:15).

When Cornelius returned to America in March 1953, Mary
was in Montreal to meet him. After his sixteen month absence
they were eager to spend as much time as possible together. After
two days in Montreal with his brother John and his wife Olga,
they traveled to Akron, Pennsylvania, where Mary was able to visit
the MCC international headquarters for the first time, and where
they were able to visit in the home of Orie Miller. From Akron
they traveled on to Chicago for the MCC executive committee
meetings. After reporting on the progress of the housing develop-
ments the committee commissioned him to travel through Men-
nonite communities in Canada and the US raising funds for the
Settlements,

From Chicago their journey took them to Winnipeg, where
they joined their two youngest children, who were completing a
year of study at the Mennonite Brethren Bible College. Mary had
rented a small home in Elmwood near to the College and it was
here that CF spent some time flat on his back recovering from
acute exhaustion enjoying the rare privilege of being cared for by
his wife in their little home away from home.

This last visit home had an especial significance in his
pilgrimage— a kind of spiritual milestone. Though to many he
seemed as full of energy and vitality as ever, he began to sense
some warning signs that his life pace was exacting much from
his physical resources. In a brief greeting published in the Men-

237

nonitische Rundschau^ 1 Apr. 1953:4) he quotes Psalm 31:15 "My
times are In your hands." The report was entitled ‘Home Again.’
At such times of rest and reflection— so rare for this busy servant,
his thoughts must have begun to contemplate the eternal home
to which he was traveling. Many relatives, co-workers and friends
both from Russia and later years had already gone before.

In spite of a life dedicated to ministry to his fellow men, CF
had the privilege of a home and family to return to from the midst
of his work from time to time. Already his sons were establishing
homes of their own and Mary was already feeling that the large
house where they had lived as a family was too big. Yet as he lay
on his back in those days of March 1953 CF’s thoughts were not
of his own home. He was thinking about the trip he was to make
during the ensuing ten weeks to fifty three communities in
Canada and the US on behalf of MCC to appeal for help for those
in Europe who were yet homeless. His article ‘A Home of One’s
Own’ had appeared in Der Mennonit in February and was
reprinted in the Mennonittsche Rundschau in March. It con-
cluded with a plea for help. MCC reported later that as a result
of that trip $25,000 flowed into the fund for rehousing the home-
less.

Last Speaking Tour

By Sunday afternoon March 26 he was well enough to give
a public report at the South End Church. He was asked to speak
again on the theme of ‘Homes for the Homeless’ and the response
was very heartening.

After having renewed friendships with relatives and friends
in Winnipeg, they traveled on to Saskatoon for another meeting,
and then on to Coaldale, Alberta. While in BC he spoke at a num-
ber of churches, and then took great delight in taking Mary and
the family out to Agassiz to visit the former refugees Heinrich and
Hanna Bartel and their children. They were once again dairy
farmers as they had been back in West Prussia, and were happi-
ly involved in the local Mennonite church. The bond between CF
and this family ran very deep. One manifestation of this was the
fact that Siegfried Bartel, inspired by the role MCC had played in

238

the renewal and relocation of their own family, became the chair-
man of MCC/BC, and carried the torch for many years.

It was agreed that Mary would stay home now and he would
cany through with the rest of the speaking tour on his own. It
took him back across the prairies and through Ontario. From
there he moved into the eastern and central States. This meant
he would have to report in English, which he was always self-con-
scious about. He needn’t have been. The attendance was large
and the response was enthusiastic. He was particularly pleased
with the warm response among the Amish. With their permis-
sion he tried his German on them, but it was so far removed from
their Pennsylvania Dutch that they finally had to admit they
weren’t following him, and he had to revert to English. The meet-
ings in Indiana, Illinois and Iowa went particularly well. Once he
got to Kansas and Nebraska and further West , he said they ru shed
him so much that he felt he really didn't get to know them well
enough and couldn’t feel their spiritual pulse.

This was the most extensive speaking tour he had ever un-
dertaken, and he was gratified by the good response and strong
interest. He was grateful too to God for providing the health and
strength so that he could complete what he had undertaken.

It was during this brief few months in North America that
Cornelius and Mary agreed that the time had come when they
could be together in the ministry again. The youngest two
children were already college students and Mary was freer to
partcipate in some of the activities and meetings that made up
CF’s life. While at home all the necessary plans were made for
them to join him in Frankfurt in late summer. Once he got there
in June, he tried to make arrangements for their accomodation.
It was no easy matter to acquire another room at Schlosserstrasse
3 from the US military for their use, but he was not the type to
take ’no’ for an answer, and permission was finally granted. After
almost nine years he says he could hardly wait for their arrival.

Summer Bible School Materials

While preparing for their arrival there were continuing mat-
ters needing attention. One of these was the need to foster

239

cooperation between the French, Swiss and German Mennonites
in the translation of English Summer Bible School materials into
German and French. MCC took the initiative, and CF was one of
its strongest advocates. The preparation of the materials was
focussed in Basel where Hilda Carper from America, along with
Dora Lichti from Germany and Anne Comptesse from France did
the translating and preparing. Summer Bible schools with the
children began already on a small scale in 1951, mostly with Men-
nonite children, including the children of refugees. It was in the
doing of it, that the need for better materials became apparent.
The work was strengthened too by graduates of the European
Mennonite Bible School who had been encouraged to serve the
Lord and the church in this way.

CF was at an important meeting in Basel on July 2, 1953
where representatives from Switzerland, Germany, France, and
America agreed to forge ahead with this work. AJ Metzler, from
the Mennonite Publishing House in Scottdale Pennsylvania was
there and agreed that they would publish the materials— which
turned out to be more of a sacrifice than a business venture, CF
wrote up the work in an article for DerMennontt under the head-
ing "Mennonite Summer Bible Schools in Europe, 11 His en-
thusiasm shines through. Summer Bible Schools for children
were an important arm of the church in North America, and in
his mind's eye he could see hundreds of youth now reaching out
to the needy children of Europe, and "when the day comes, and
the Iron Curtain is no longer there, we will be ready to take the
good news of the Cross to the children farther east whose minds
have for so long been nourished on anti-Christian poison,” (DM
September 1953 134)

This work with children, he believed, was also one way to
help keep the missions drive alive in Mennonite congregations.
Present at the meeting were Cornelius Wall, principal of the
European Mennonite Bible School, Samuel Gerber, a Swiss leader
and teacher who later became the principal, John Howard Yoder,
serving with MCC at the Valdoie children’s home and also a
teacher at EMB School, Andre Goll, French Mennonite teacher,
Theo Glueck, youth leader from South Germany, and the three
translators mentioned above.

In mid -August CF was at his last 'Easier Glaubens-

240

konferenz/ which had as its theme 'You Shall be My Witnesses,"
The list of speakers from all over the brotherhood was again an
impressive one, and there Is no doubt that the thrust of this Con-
ference was echoed in some of his last writings— as will be seen.
The planning committee, of which CF was a member, had asked
him to speak at the concluding session.

His Family Joins Him

Uppermost on CF’s mind during the last days of August was
his sense of anticipation at the thought of the arrival of his wife
and the two children. Finally he would be able to share with Mary
some of his Joys In the work and some of his close friendships.
She and the children left Winnipeg on August 25 by train, and
August 28 left Montreal by the CPR ship 'Empress of Scotland/
arriving in Liverpool on September 4th.

CF was in the Hoek van Holland in good time on Saturday
afternoon September 5 to meet them. It was a happy beginning
for the last chapter of his life— and he took great delight in being
their European host. He drove them through Rotterdam, and
showed them some of the sights in Amsterdam, Including the 'Sin-
gelkerk/ the Mennonite church on the Singel that dates back to
1608.

After spending the night in Apeldoom, he took them to
Gronau, where he wanted them to see where the refugee camp
had been, and where he had expended so much of his energy for
the thousands of his brethren who had passed that way. From
there they traveled over Duesseldorf and Koeln to Bonn. Here he
showed them the West German government buildings where he
had done so much of the negotiating for land for the refugee set-
tlements. Now they followed the Rhein past Neuwied and Koblenz
all the way to Mainz. From there it was just a short drive on the
Autobahn to Frankfurt. Mary had written literally thousands of
letters over the years to Schlosserstrasse 3, and now she would
finally be able to see the place, and help to turn it from an office
and bedroom, into a home where cooking and eating would now
go on, and piano practicing and singing. The initial plan was that
their daughter would study music in Frankfurt and their son

241

would study theology in Basel.

Although CF was very much a family man, and a very com-
mitted father, during the past nine years his family had been
deprived of his presence. Being together again for the last nine
months of his life was a great Joy for the four of them. Yet it would
only be fair to acknowledge that the absence of a father in their
formative years had been acutely felt by the children, particular-
ly Irmy, and had left scars that only the grace of God could heal.
But for now such burdens were eclipsed by their joy in being
together, and seeing so much evidence of CF’s ministry among
the fatherless and widows in Europe.

The next day the first round of introductions began. CF was
proud of his wife, and wanted his co-workers and associates to
meet her. He was also proud of his co-workers and friends and
wanted Mary to meet them and become their friend as well. The
first stop was at the Frankfurt MCC center at 44 Vogtstrasse. The
Cornelius W all s were living there until the Bible School session
would begin December 6. The Walls spent much of their time
speaking at North German Mennonite youth retreats, and were
greatly appreciated. John Hostetler, MCC accountant was also
there, Dorothy Swartzendruber, the secretary, Curtis Janzen,
with MVS, and Junior Lehman, in charge of MCC vehicles. The
Frankfurt Mennonite congregation, under Richard Wagner’s
leadership also met at the center on Sundays and the youth
during the week.

For supper they were at the Kemnitzers, an elderly couple
from West Prussia that CF had befriended, and whose daughter
Helga he had helped to get to Bethel College in North Newton Kan-
sas as an exchange student.

The next day they went to Kronberg, j ust north of Frankfurt,
to meet Hertha Melchers, a war-widow who worked as a
physiotherapist to take care of her twelve year old daughter and
78 year old mother. When CF first met her she needed medica-
tion urgently for her ailing mother and it was only available
through her brother in Holland. In his many travels CF was able
on occasion to bring it back for her. A warm friendship between
the two families developed that later brought Hertha to Canada
on a return visit.

Two days later they were at the Batzenhof for Mary to meet

242

the Benjamin Unruhs and the Johannes Hodels. Maiy had last
seen Benjamin back in 1928 when she was fleeing Russia.

From there it was on to Backnang to see the ‘Siedlung’ and
to meet the Richard Rupps. After a two day break they traveled
up along the Rhine to see the Housing project at Neuwied and to
meet the C.N. Hieberts in the little MB church. It will be remem-
bered that C.N. Hiebert led Mary closer to the Lord back in 1935
and baptized her. He was still full of spiritual vigor winning souls
to the Lord on the back streets of Neuwied and pastoring a little
flock of converts. When they got back to Frankfurt from this ex-
cursion, they were delighted to get a phone call from their son
Harold announcing the birth of their first child, Irene. It was Cor-
nelius and Mary’s third grandchild, but first grand daughter (now
with MCC in Africa).

Two days later on September 19 they traveled up to Goettin-
gen to meet Ernst and Rosa Crous, the friendly librarian and
scholar, and on to Hamburg to meet the Otto Schowalter family,
and finally to Luebeck for the dedication of the first six houses in
that new settlement. CF and Otto Schowalter officiated at the
ceremony. CF had arranged through the MCC that every fami-
ly moving in would receive the wall plaque: ‘Christ is the Lord of
this home, the unseen guest at every meal, and the silent par-
ticipant in every conversation.’ From Luebeck they motored back
to Bremen to meet the MCC staff, and to stay the night.

After a few days in Frankfurt Cornelius and Mary traveled
down to Stuttgart for a visit with their old friend Peter Froese.
Mary was delighted to see Peter again, although very sorry that
he had no news now for many years from his wife and three
children. What a heart-break on top of all the physical suffering
that he had endured in the slave- labor camps. Some of his past
he was willing to share, but some of it was too painful. The fel-
lowship was warm and many old memories of Moscow and the
Menno center came flooding back. Except for visits from Cor-
nelius, he led a pretty lonely existence. Much of his time he spent
revising the book he had written on his experiences under the
Soviet dictatorship. CF was able to arrange some speaking
engagements for him in circles where serious research on Russia
was being pursued. It was in the early morning hours that Cor-
nelius and Maiy got back to Schlosserstrasse 3 in Frankfurt.

243

One opportunity for Mary to become acquainted with the
breadth of the work with which he was involved both in MCC and
the wider circles of European Mennonites, was a retreat for all
the European MCC workers at Bad Boll October 3-6. About 140
workers came together from all over Germany and Austria, as
well as from Switzerland, France. Holland, and even as far away
as Greece. And the work they were involved in was as varied as
the countries they came from: children’s homes, community
centers, settlement construction, youth work, food and clothing
distribution, refugee emigration, voluntary service camps etc. It
was a great opportunity for Mary to meet the larger MCC family
ministering in Europe.

She continued to be at his side during the activities that filled
the closing months of 1953 in Alsace and Basel, in meetings with
Hans Nussbaumer and the Bible School workers, and in Enken-
bach at the dedication of the first settlement houses.

They were in Basel for the opening of the fourth annual ses-
sion of the European Mennonite Bible School on December 6,
1953. This school, later located at Bienenberg, was high on CF’s
priority list. He was convinced that it would contribute directly
to the spiritual renewal of the European Mennonite churches.
Hans Nussbaumer and CF each spoke at the opening, and each
of the teachers also gave a brief word: Christian Schnebele from
Germany, Willy Peterschmidt from France, John Howard Yoder
from America and with MCC in France. David Shank with Men-
nonite Mission Board in Belgium, and Cornelius Wall from the
US and now the principal of the school.

Sharing his vision for the school CF said.

This is no school for pastors, but a school where our young
people are immersed into the sacred writings, and where they dis-
cover how important Christian ethics are for personal life and the
building of the congregation. It is a school where the students
learn from general church histoiy and from Mennonite history how
God's blessing has rested on those who were not ashamed to tes-
tify of their Lord and were faithful unto death. A school too where
students learn to minister biblical truths to children in the church,
and beyond the confines of the church. They also experience what
the priesthood of all believers is, and how they can accept respon-
sibility for the spiritual growth and development of the congrega-
tions from which they come. (DM September 53)

244

Just before Christmas CFs heart acted up and he had to see
a doctor and spend a few days in bed. Maiy was happy to be
there with him, but she shared the anxiety he felt when the ir-
regularity of his heart and the weakness it brought with it laid
him low. The four of them spent a quiet Christmas at Schlos-
serstrasse 3, and were able to take in the Christmas Eve service
with the Melehers in Kronberg and the Christmas Day service
with his good friend Pfarrer Gottwaldt at the Nord-Ost Gemeinde,
an evangelical Lutheran church*

Right after Christmas, Cornelius and Maiy spent some quiet
days together while the children were at a North German youth
retreat near Hamburg* As 1953 came to a close CF had become
more acutely aware of his failing strength. Yet he looked forward
to the challenge of the New Year, encouraging himself to ‘press on
despite everything’* Writing on this theme in Der Mennonit he
quotes Paul from 2 Tim 1:7,

"For God did not give us a spirit of timidity (fear, cowardice,
despair), but a spirit of power and love and self-control (wise dis-
cretion, sound mind,"

Advent and Christmas are just past We have been impressed
again with the fact that the Word became flesh and dwelt among
us'; impressed even more with the glory of this One who came as
a man. We've become more conscious too, that our first respon-
sibility as Christians is not only to tell others about our Lord, but
to show them with our lives what He is like* As we do this, we will
not enter the New Year as earthlings burdened with toils and cares,
but as children of God advancing toward their goal with clear vision
and heads erect. In all the circumstances of life it remains true
that God has not given us a spirit of discouragement, but a spirit
of power and love and self-discipline* Not self-reliance, or the New
Year will soon bring us into personal bankruptcy* His power is
made perfect in our weakness." Though he was aware of his own
weakness and must at times have longed for a more restful life,
when he looked at the hardships his remgees had endured he was
always encouraged to press on 'despite everything.*

Early in the New Year Cornelius and Mary went to Friedels-
helm in the Palatinate to honor Johannes Foth, who had been
pastor of the same congregation for fifty years* That excited CF,
and that's how he viewed his own worlc If God calls a man into
a ministry, he should stay in that ministry faithfully until God
calls him on* That was why he wanted to stay in Moscow in 1928,

245

and that’s why he never gave up on his Reiseschuld calling, and
that’s why he was staying on in Europe now. It was in letters to
his sons in Canada that he mentioned, about this time, that
Mary’s ‘instinct’ told her, they should be returning to Canada in
the summer. Whenever she had an empty box in her hand, she
would say "we better keep that, we’ll need it when we pack up
this summer!" From his side, he just kept reiterating that there
is still a great deal of work to be done in Europe, there are still
needs and challenges on every hand. In Mary's letters to the
children, she expressed her concern that Cornelius had become
so europeanized, that if he didn’t make the break soon, he might
never fit back into the Canadian scene. He knew that her instinct
in leaving Moscow was right, and her instinct in buying the house
in Winnipeg when she did was right, and probably even her in-
stinct in moving the family to BC was right, but he believed also
that he was in the will of God where he was and should leave the
future in God’s hands. They were able to discuss this matter free-
ly with one another and their children, and to keep bringing it to
the Lord in prayer. They had each learned over the years the need
to stand by their convictions, but to do so humbly. In this case
they knew that they couldn’t both be right; but they also knew
that they were committed to laying down their lives, and that God
had often done more in tough situations than either of them could
have asked or thought. In this way their marriage not only sur-
vived the long separations and inevitable tensions but was
strengthened in the process. At this point in their lives Mary was
reminding Cornelius of all the letters, newspapers, pamphlets,
books and other documents he had gathered all his life intend-
ing at some time to sort them and pour over them and even do
some writing. Maybe the time for more quiet thought and reflec-
tion was drawing nearer.

It was early in the new year as well, that CF received an in-
vitation through good friends of his in Canada, to receive an
honorary doctorate through a foreign Christian university. They
sincerely felt that his dedicated and distinguished service to the
wider brotherhood should be recognized in this way. He declined.
He was happy for friends and associates of his who had earned
degrees, and felt altogether right about some of them who received
honorary degrees, but somehow he couldn’t believe that it was

246

appropriate In his situation. Mary agreed with him. For CF his
service to God carried its own reward. Like David he had simp-
ly sought to ‘serve the purposes of God in his own generation.'

Reflecting on the meaning of this in an article written early
in 1954 he concludes that perhaps our greatest act of service to
God's Kingdom in our time, is our prayers for the world and the
governments of our day. Surveying the varied political systems
Mennonites on both sides of the ocean have found themselves
under, CF exhorts them all to pray for their leaders as well as all
their suffering and imprisoned loved ones, giving thanks for
everyone that has found freedom in the West. "Let's face it, their
return was an answer to many prayers. It was proof, further, of
the fact that our God is able to help. O that all those returning,
and their families, would give God the honor for their deliverance.
For only then will our Intercessions be pleasing to God. Let us
continue to remember in our prayers, those behind the Iron Cur-
tain who are still awaiting the hour of their release."

He goes on to remind his readers to be constant in prayer
for the Big Four Summit talks then taking place in Berlin, and to
trust God for a peaceful outcome of such conferences, particular-
ly in decisions affecting their oppressed brethren. Encouraging
them to Intercede like Abraham in Genesis 18, and Jesus Him-
self (Heb 7:25), he exhorts them not to give up but to remember
that God will be glorified as prayer is answered.

Good Friday Sermon

On Good Friday, April 16, CF was invited to preach the ser-
mon at the Frankfurt Mennonite Church. It was an occasion for
him to reflect on the heart of his faith, the sacrifice of Jesus on
the Cross, in the context of his troubled times in Europe. Quot-
ing from Joel 2:30-31 "And I will display wonders in the sky and
on the earth, blood, fire, and columns of smoke. The sun will be
turned into darkness, and the moon into blood, before the great
and awesome day of the Lord comes," he compared the events
described in the text to the horrors recently experienced in Europe
and Russia. And then to add to that he described the newer hor-
ror of nuclear war with its bigger and better bombs.

247

Meditating on man’s great need for forgiveness he focuses
his thoughts on the great act of Atonement expressed in the
Cross. In seeking to give expression to this mystery he recalled a
story heard in his youth in Russia,

As a student more than forty years ago I was deeply impressed
by a historical incident that was related to us. In the year 1797 a
prince was born in the Caucasus, His name was Schamyl. He was
a freedom-loving man of the mountains, whose life’s purpose was
to retain this freedom for the Caucasus, and to resist the Russians
to the utmost. He had two qualities which were particularly
praiseworthy: his uncompromising sense of justice, and the love
he had for his mother, who always accompanied him on his expedi-
tions, One day it was reported to the prince that critical informa-
tion had been leaked from his headquarters tent to the enemy. This
was treason! According to the rules of these mountain people, the
prince made the following proclamation: "Whoever has done this
deed will receive one hundred lashes on his bare back before our
assembled warriors." Soon thereafter it was proven to the prince
that his own mother was the guilty one! Schamyl entered his tent
and spent the next three days and three nights in deep contempla-
tion. He neither ate, nor drank, nor could he sleep. There was a
battle raging within him. "A prince cannot break his word,
Schamyl. What will happen among my people to truth and justice
if I do not apply the same rules to my own flesh and blood?" At
last he emerged, from his tent and summoned his people to appear
before him. His mother stood before him, and beside her the man
with the lash: the crowd watched breathlessly. Then Schamyl,
deathly pale, spoke firmly: 'The word of a king stands! Justice is
sacred, Flogger, do your duly, and do not spare the lash, strike as
if this were the vilest of offenders. But— and he throws his prince-
ly mantle to the ground— I am my mother’s flesh and blood, and I
will bear the punishment in her stead!

Of course this incident from history is not an explanation of
what happened at Golgotha. But the love shown by the son in this
case gives us an idea of the love that God showered on us, while
we were still sinners. On the one hand we have mankind in dire
need, and with a deep longing for release, and on the other hand
we have God, and in Him there is light and life and love. But be-
tween God and man there is a great gulf, which with every sin of
man becomes wider and deeper. We are not able to bridge this gap.
And then it is Christ, the lamb of God, who freely gives nimseff by
his cruel death on the cross, and thereby bridges this great gulf
between God and man. And because of His broken body, and His
shed blood we are now able to find our way back to the heart of
God the Father.

248

He closed with these words.

This is what the Cross has accomplished. This is the power
of the cross. The word of God bears witness to this. Either we
believe the whole word and accept the consequences of such faith,
or we ignore it and do not accept the lordship of Christ and accept
the consequences of our unbelief. Either we neglect the
‘cornerstone’ and are subsequently dashed to pieces on it, or we
build on it. As much as we would like to walk along a broad road
of our own choosing, this is not possible. We either choose Christ
and His kingdom, or we are against Him.

May God be gracious to us, and grant that we may be in a
right relationship with Him so that His peace may reign in our
hearts, and then radiate through us to others. May the Lord grant
us this blessing in this Easter season ( Der Mennonit June 1954).

It was truly the message of the Cross that lay at the heart of
CF’s ministry, and as his ‘cornerstone’ had always been built
upon in the many phases of his work.

On the following day while working at his desk he sudden-
ly went very pale and Maiy had to assist him to his bed. He broke
out into a sweat and Maty asked if she should call a doctor. He
told her to wait. When he became chilly she brought him a hot
cup of tea, and encouraged him to spend the rest of the morning
in bed. He couldn’t eat anything at noon, and said, that at times
he felt like his life was ebbing away. Gradually his strength
returned, as it usually had thus far, and by the evening he felt
considerably better, and sat up and read.

He had a good night and on the next day, Easter Sunday,
he felt much better and they decided to drive out to the Batzen-
hof to visit the Hodels and the Unruhs. They had a relaxed after-
noon bringing Maiy up to date on some of their experiences
together in the past eight years, and then returned to Frankfurt.
A few days later they drove down to Ludwigshafen for committee
meetings of the Mennonite Settlement Society. Plans were made
for CF to be present at the dedication In early June of the meet-
ing room built at the Backnang settlement to accomodate their
church services. He was looking forward to the occasion. Once
the houses were built and the people had been gathered together
out of their dispersion, the next step was always to build a Meet-
ing Room so that they could worship and serve the Lord together.

249

An article written shortly after Easter for Ber Afennonit
returns to the theme of God’s people being ‘the salt of the earth’
not only by their prayers but through their lives.

Referring to the increased tension in the world; the threat of
nuclear war, post-Stalinist Soviet aggressiveness and America’s
weariness with her commitments in Europe, he affirms again the
urgency of Jesus’ simple command to his disciples to shine
brightly amidst a perverse generation.

Surveying the continuing but apparently fruitless talks of
leaders in Berlin, Geneva and Colombo he challenges believers to
remember and pray for the members of the Body of Christ in all
the nations of the world, and the many more who have yet to be
granted the opportunity to respond to the Gospel.

He reminds the North American and European Mennonites
of their own brethren seeking to be salt and light in Paraguay and
their fruitful missionary work among the Indians of the Chaco,

He again challenges the North American brotherhood to be
generous in their response to the ongoing needs of the work in
Europe, concluding with the words.

Are you and I being salt? Let us continue to pray for an
awakening, asking that it begin in us. May the risen Christ equip
us in our dark days to be the light of the world and the salt of the
earth.

This was to be the last exhortation written by CF to the many
who had read so often of the trials and triumphs of his years of
work among the refugees in Germany. When it was printed In
DerMennonit in June 1954 he had already experienced a different
kind of awakening in the presence of His Risen Lord.

On May 2nd CF was at the main train station at six in the
morning to pick up his son who was returning from a ‘Concern’
conference in Holland. Later in the afternoon he dropped him off
in Heidelberg to catch a train to Basel. This was the last time I
saw my father. He himself drove on to Enkenbach for a commit-
tee meeting of the Mennonite Old Peoples’ Homes Society. On May
3 CF said farewell to his wife and daughter and headed north to
Bremen and Hamburg where he needed to meet with the MCC
staff and some of the Mennonite leaders. Mary received an in-
vitation. after Cornelius arrived in Bremen, asking him to come

250

and speak at their Peace Conference in Heerewegen, Holland,
She called him at Bremen and informed him about this. He loved
his Dutch brethren and decided to accept their invitation. It was
while driving from Bremen and nearing Gronau that he had the
first of a series of heart attacks, that put him in the hospital that
night. His earthly pilgrimage came to an end the next morning.
Frank Epp says, "C.F. Klassen’s death came at 10:30 a.m. Satur-
day, May 8, at Gronau. His death there, was symbolic of his con-
suming love for the refugees, for it was through the camp in that
German city that practically all Mennonite peoples passed in the
migrations to North and South America after World War II."

251

Chapter 22

HOME AT LAST

"Be faithful unto death, and I will give you the crown of life"

(Rev 2:10 1

So in the midst of one last journey, at a crossroads of
refugees from Russia to new homelands in North and South
America, C,F, Klassen’s life journey was brought to an abrupt
end* Though his wife was phoned to come to his bedside im-
mediately, she arrived after his passing* Thus it was that the next
day Mary returned alone to Frankfurt to notify family and friends
of the sudden tragedy that had struck their lives. For nine short
months she had shared his ministry in Germany after nine long
years of separation. Yet she shared with all who now began to
mourn his passing the sense of gratitude for a life poured out for
the good of others. Irmy and Herb immediately returned from
their places of study to be with their mother during the time of
mourning,

CF*s death came as a shock since few had any warning of
his failing health. So many were accustomed to his brisk figure
moving swiftly in and out of their lives that it was hard to grasp
that his contribution to all their affairs was now ended.

Memorial Services

Almost immediately letters and messages of condolence
began to pour into his home and the MCC office In Frankfurt.
Since he had Influenced so many now residing on other con-

252

tinents it was not surprising that memorial services were quick-
ly arranged in Winnipeg, Leamington and Abbotsford in Canada,
and at Akron, Pennsylvania and Goshen, Indiana in the United
States.

The funeral service took place four days after his death in
the Nord Ost Lutheran church in Frankfurt. To survey the wide
circle of mourners and memorial services after his death, is to
catch a glimpse of the breadth of grief his death created. As rip-
ples when a stone is thrown into a pool, the circles of tribute and
eulogy extended further and further as the news spread, and
three continents picked up the theme of triumph and thankful-
ness in the midst of profound grief.

The list of those who addressed the many mourners almost
reads like the funeral of a statesman. And indeed in his far-
reaching impact upon countless lives, his influence was almost
felt as that of a national leader. At such times of loss, the true
meaning of Mennonite peoplehood emerges and one begins to un-
derstand the good fruit of those whose lives shape the futures and
destinies of others with Christian principles and the true love of
Christ. Few have been privileged to have such deep and lasting
fruit in the lives of thousands of his own people. Not only at the
Funeral in Frankfurt, but also at five other memorial services
many voiced their praise and gratitude to God.

At the service in Winnipeg, CF’s home for twenty years,
brother A.H. Unruh gave the Word once more. At the memorial
in BC, at the MEI, it was refugee leader brother Heinrich Bartel
who presided. In Saskatoon, headquarters of the 'Board’ that CF
had served for fifteen years, J.J. Thiessen was in charge. In
Akron, Pennsylvania, international headquarters of the MCC,
Orie Miller led the meeting. At Goshen College, in Indiana, it was
his old friend and associate, Dr. Harold S. Bender who set the
tone.

At such times of grieving and remembering, the collective
memory of a people is forged. The lasting qualities of the departed
loved-one are focussed upon and the significant contributions of
his life celebrated and honored. Indeed the themes of this biog-
raphy were all on the lips of those chosen to represent the major
groups gathered to pay their respects those sombre May days in
1954 .

253

'Gott kann’

Most often voiced was the frequently repeated phrase ‘Gott
kann.’ Though applied to every hard circumstance of his life and
ministry to the refugees, it was particularly challenging as quoted
by Otto Schowalter on behalf of the German brethren CF had
taken to his heart. Speaking of the shock-wave that had affected
them at CF’s death he testified to the many times CF’s affirma-
tion of faith ‘Gott kann’ had sparked hope in the hearts of the
struggling post-war German brotherhood.

Characterizing CF as a ‘man of hope’ Schowalter acknow-
ledged the role he had played in every phase of life among their
brotherhood.

A living hope for our German congregations, a living hope for
our youth, a living hope for those in the Berlin enclave, and for our
many brethren still under Communism. That is what we want to
hang on to, and that is how we want to express our thanks, by
taking hold of it, and not disappointing brother Klassen in this
area. So that when we see him again in mat great eternity, we will
be able to look him straight in the eyes with a clear conscience and
praise God together— our God of all Hopei (DM June 1954 85)

Other funeral tributes spelled out in practical ways how CF’s
service gave concrete expression to that hope.

No effort seemed too great to him when it came to helping a
family find a new home (land). He didn’t see his work as just kind
help to masses of people, but as a missionary responsibility. (83)

Telegrams were read from other leaders in Europe and North
America, both from within the brotherhood but also from govern-
ment and service agencies, expressing their sense of personal loss
and grief.

The many once homeless ones now living in the settlements
and the large group of elderly refugees now housed In the various
homes CF had helped found, were represented too. It was touch-
ing that the aged and infirm, so often in history overlooked or cast
aside by ambitious rulers, should have been so close to CF’s

254

heart. The 300 in homes and the 1,000 members of the society
needed Ulrich Hege’s voice to express their gratitude since most
were not able to be present.

Representatives of the Dutch, Swiss, French and German
Mennonites all testified to a similar challenge received through
CF’s ministry in their respective countries— the call to transcend
national boundaries and unite to serve the suffering brethren.

As one after another rose to his feet to thank God for the life
of this man, his outstanding contribution seemed to be, that
widow and orphan, stranger and pilgrim were honoring him as
the one who had created ‘home’ again for them after the turbulent
upheaval of the war years.

Cornelius Wall, repeating unknowingly CF’s text at the 1930
Mennonite World Conference, chose Psalm 84:5-7 to sum up his
life:

Blessed are the men whose strength is in thee, in whose heart
are the highways to Zion. As they go through the valley of weeping
they make it a place of springs; the early rain also covers it with
pools. They go from strength to strength; the God of gods will be
seen in Zion" How many valleys of weeping’ had been traversed
since those early years in Moscow. Yet who could have foreseen
the many ‘springs of hope’ in countless lives at this time? "The
God of gods will be seen in ZionI Through all the dark days of his
ministry here, our brother was firmly convinced that in the last
analysis God will triumph." Wall rightly recognized the highways
to Zion that had been built into CFs life down the difficult years,
highways of faith, trust, compassion and mercy. God’s strength
had truly been forged into his life so that he too could turn and
strengthen his brethren, imparting the same strength and hope to
them in their hour of need.

Benjamin Unruh brought the perspective of all the exiled
Russian Mennonites in the words of Jesus in John 9:4 ”1 must
work the works of him who sent me while it is day, night cometh
when no man can work. " Surveying CF’s hard work from the early
years in Russia up to the present he recalled the zeal with which
CF applied himself to the original task of uniting the colonies in
the face of Russian disintegration. Yet the night had come for that
work and CF had applied the same zeal and hard work in Europe
to seek out and unite his brethren there, in the common task of
alleviating suffering. Unruh’s plea for the continuation of such a

255

working unity was fit tribute to the tireless efforts and vision for
which CF was so well known.

But of all the friends who stood beside his grave, none em-
bodied the mystery of God’s ways and His destiny in our lives
more than Peter Froese, During the critical years in Moscow they
had lived under one roof and shared their lives. Surveying the en-
suing years Froese recalled the shaip parting of the ways in 1 928
when CF went to Canada and on to his fruitful ministry, white
Froese himself went to prison and years of a hidden ministry to
his brethren there. Humbly acknowledging his brother's role in
helping the refugees he also owned his own debt to CF,

M 0 the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and knowledge
of God, how unsearchable are His Judgments and His ways past
finding out 1 ' (Rom 1 1 : 33) - Little is known of Froese's life after the
traumatic years of his imprisonment and his subsequent escape
to Germany. But one senses his friendship with CF was a life-line
and his sense of loss as personal as any who gathered that day to
remember the life of one who had been brother' to thousands, yet
close intimate personal friend to each in his own special and uni-
que way. "And now in these last years, our dear Cornelius has
helped me and many others in so many ways. He was a friend and
brother first and foremost to those who had been oppressed and
humiliated, the poor, those who didn't know which way to turn.

We know, because he visited them, there back in Russia, and also
here. And now he has left to us a legacy, the urgent request to
help our brothers in need! Let us take it to heart. For behind the
Iron Curtain there are still many poor brothers and sis ters of ours
who are being harassed and oppressed. We remember them. And
by God's grace we will do what we can to see that this legacy of
mercy is continued as the opportunity to help them arises. (MR
2 June 1954 2)

Quoting another often used phrase of CF’s, Otto Schowalter
referred to the statement "Love exists by sacrifice." Jesus put it
practically, "greater love has no man than this, that a man lay
down his life for his friends," It was this quality of a simple dis-
ciple and brother that were uppermost in peoples hearts. Without
doubt his life’s consuming quest 'Seeking his brethren' had been
a very demanding one. But motivated by the love of a true dis-
ciple and brother It had not been a burden he bore unwillingly.
The sacrifice of even life itself was not too great. The reward made
it all worthwhile and like his Master the joy set before him ener-

256

gized the journey. Those paying tribute to all that had been ac-
complished in those brief post-war years could truly say CF’s love
had led him to offer his life for them. He would not have wanted
it any other way. And like another who saw the fruit of his travail
and was satisfied, CF too would be satisfied. CF’s passing was
sudden and in many ways unexpected, busy as he was with the
affairs of his work for the refugees and the European Mennonite
brotherhood. But in another sense it came at a fitting time, when
many of his life-goals had been reached. He had made a con-
tribution that was unique and which only he could have made.
And the total impact of his life, short as it seemed to many who
outlived him, embodied a clear challenge that now could be grap-
pled with by ensuing generations. Sooner or later the torch would
be passed on. As a close friend of CF’s throughout his life Harold
Bender’s letter to Mary sums up both CF’s contribution to the
wider Mennonite community and the legacy he leaves to succeed-
ing generations,

I cannot tell you how deep is my own sense of personal loss.
You know how close Cornelius and I were in so many things,
probably closer than anyone else in the MCC family. How often we
shared the most intimate problems and burdens, and how often
we found ourselves in complete accord and unity in the decisions
which had to be reached. It was a great privilege to work with him
so closely these last ten years in particular....

He was much more than an adminstrator of relief and refugee
service, he was a spiritual force....

We bless God that he was given to us for so many years even
though we would have wanted to keep him so much longer....

I think that for a number of our young people Cornelius was
a hero; a Mennonite hero who incorporated faith and action, love
and service, and a loyalty to our Mennonite church and its calling,
in a way that scarcely anyone else has in this generation” (MR 23
June 54 3).

Writing in the Canadian Mennonite Frank Epp summed up
CF’s life:

In the passing of C.F. Klassen the Mennonite church has lost
one of its greatest servants. For his efforts in Mennonite immigra-
tions and refugee resettlements his name will continue on the lips

257

of many generations* and his good works will follow him. He will
be remembered for his respect for human personality. He met
prince and pauper on an equal level. He had special compassion
for widows and orphans* for the poor and underprivileged. To
thousands of persons* whom he knew by name* he was a personal
friend. Gifted In diplomacy* he never lost his dignity. Although a
staunch and valued member of one denomination Klassen had a
heart wide open to the interests and concerns of other churches.

He was Inter -church and International. He shook hands with all
believers and called them his brothers. He belonged to all because
he served all (Epp 426-7] .

As one who sought and found his brethren on three con-
tinents* CF served them with everything he had. The legacy of
mercy’ he left to the following generations has found expression
In the myriad forms of service to mankind that have characterized
the work of MCC and the wider fellowship for the last half of the
twentieth century. May the sharing of his story strengthen us all
for the task ahead.

258

A NOTE ABOUT SOURCES

I. C.F.’s Writings:

A. Published:

1. Reports (68) in the Mennonttische Rundschau between
Sept. 1945 and Mar. 1954 usually under the title "Aus unserer
Fluechtlingsarbeit" (from our refugee work)

2. Articles (29) in DerMennonit between Jan. 1948 and June
1954. Fifteen lead articles and fourteen others.

3. Mennonite World Conference addresses:

1930 (2) Danzig: "The Mennonites of Russia 1917-1928"
Menn. Quart. Review

Apr 1932 pp 69-80

1936 (3) Amsterdam: "Devotional" Proceedings Karlsruhe:
Heinrich Schneider Verlag, 1936.

1948 (4) Goshen/Newton: "Mennonite Refugees: Our Chal-
lenge" M.Q.R Apr 1950 pp 136-141

1952 (5) Basel: "Our Refugee Work: Past, Present and Fu-
ture" Proceedings, Karlsruhe: Heinrich Schneider Verlag, 1952.

B. Unpublished:

1. "Biographical Sketch" handwritten, 11 pages, covering
his earliest years.

2. "Curriculum Vitae" typed single spaced, 4 pages, Novem-
ber 1936.

3. "Diary" handwritten, daily entries from Nov. 8 to Dec. 31,
1947, 66 pages.

4. Letters

(a) at CMBC Winnipeg— covering primarily the years 1929 to
1939, to men such as David Toews, DP Enns etc.

(b) at MBBC Winnipeg— covering primarily the years from
1939 to 1954, to men such as BB Janz. PC Hiebert etc.

259

(c) at Goshen College Archives Goshen— covering primarily
the MCC years 1944 to 1954, to men such as HS Bender,

Otto Schowalter etc.

(d) Private letters to family and friends in the possession of
the authors, mostly from the years 1945 to 1954.

5. Minutes— which quote CF or include his reports:

(a) of the Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization
(Winnipeg)

(b) of the Provincial Conferences of the MBs and GCs
(Winnipeg)

(c) of the MCC Executive Committee (Goshen)

(d) of the German Mennonite Church Conferences (Weierhof)

(e) of "Mennonitische Siedlungshilfe" (Weierhof)

(f) of "Mennonitische Altersheime" (Weierhof)

(g) of "Europaeische Mennonitische Bibelschule"
(Bienenberg)

6. Tapes

(a) CF to his brother Henry and friends in Winnipeg,

May 1950

(b) CF to his wife and family in BC, Dec, 1952.

H. Writings about C.F,

A. Published - Books (in order of frequency of quotation}

1. Toews, John B. ed. The Mermonites in Russia 1917 to
1930: Selected Documents. Winnipeg MB: Christian Press, 1975.

2. — — . Lost Fatherland ; the Story of the Mennonite

Emigration from Soviet Russia 1921-1927. Scottdale PA: Herald
Press, 1967.

3. — — . Czars, Sooieis and Menrvonites. Newton KS:

Faith and Life Press, 1982.

4. Epp, Frank H. Mennonite Exodus: The Rescue and Reset-
tlement of the Russian Mermonites since the Communist Revolu-
tion. Altona MB: D.W. Friesen and Sons Ltd., 1962.

5. Hiebert, P. C. and Orie O. Miller eds. Feeding the Hungry:
Russia Famine 1919-1925. Scottdale PA: Mennonite Central
Committee, 1929.

6. Unruh, John C. 7n the Name of Christ the Story of the

260

M.C.C.from 1920 to 1951. Scottdale PA: Herald Press, 1952.

7. Brucks, J.H. and H. Hooge eds. Neu-Samara am Tock.
Clearbrook BC: Fraser Valley Printers, 1964.

8. Penner, Horst. Weltweite Bruderschaft: ein mermonitis-
ches Geschichtsbuch Weierhof: Verlag Mennonltischer Ges-
chichtsverein, 1984.

9. Bender, Urie A. Soldiers of Compassion. Scottdale PA:
Herald Press, 1969.

10. Dyck, Anna Reimer. Anna: from the Caucasus to
Canada Hillsboro KS: Menn. Breth. Publ House, 1979.

B. Published Articles

1 . Dyck, Peter J. "C.F. Klassen zum Andenken." Mennonitis-
che Rundschau 24 Apr. 1974.

2. - . "I remember C.F. Klassen 1894-1954,"

Canadian Mennonite 13 June 1967.

B. Unpublished Writings

1. Klassen, Henry F. "Er Karin." A 31 page typewritten
biographical memoir of CF by his brother appended with 44 pages
of documents, written at the request of the MB Board of Publica-
tions and published first in a 12-part series in the MR 27 Sept.
1972 to 20 Dec. 1972. It was translated into English in 1978 and
was made available to the authors.

2. Dyck, Peter J. and Elfrieda. A three-part video series on
Russian Mennonite refugees in Berlin and their emigration to
South America beginning with the famous Volendam episode, and
made available by the MCC in 1988.

261

C.F. Klassen and the Russian Mennonite Refugees

C.F, Klassen could easily have pursued a career in business, in a
high paying profession or even as a skilled diplomat. Instead he chose
to serve his God and his people. In the process he sacrificed himself.

C.F. Klassen ’s life manifests the theme of mercy and compassion
in its responses to the cries of the needy in a broken world. This
quality delineates him as a man especially equipped to become a role
model for this present generation, faced as we are with heightened
awareness of global suffering and the ever-present kaleidoscope of
human heartache and horror. We can be thankful that the example of
lives like his can become pointers along our common journey.

C.F. Klein sen was infused and energized by God r s grace* His life
reflected gentleness, strengt h f dedicat tan, persistence, hope and
compassion * He poured out his life in loving sere ice to his sisters
and brothers. His is an amazing and inspiring story of courage
and commitment to Christ f s reconciling ministry .

At lee Beechy, MCC European Area Director, 194B-134S

C.F. Klassen was one of the most effective and! most trusted
Christian leadership figures of our century in his milieu . For
thousands of refugees his ministry opened a future . For chur-
ches in western Europe he catalyzed new level of cooperation
and commitment. It is a service to us all to have his story made
available .

John //. Yoder , Professor, Department of Theology,

University of Notre Dame

About The Authors

Herb and Maureen
Klassen, Clearbrook,

BC have both been in-
volved in teaching—

Herb as history
professor at Trinity
Western University and
Maureen as English in-
structor at Columbia
Bible College.

C.F. Klassen 's service efforts have continued in his children who
are involved in several service organizations, including Habitat for
Humanity, House of Refuge, Abbotsford, BC and Peace and Service
Committee, MCC, BC*

ISBN: 0-92 1788- 1G-X